A 1483 Timeline
A series of events from “The Year of Three Kings” from the perspective of Edward IV, Edward V, and their allies.
Please read the Comments Section section of this page for a different perspective.
The Year of Three Kings
January 20, 1483
Edward IV summoned Parliament to discuss war against France and Scotland. On this date he was at Westminster to open the session. See Cora L. Scofield, The Life and Reign of Edward the Fourth, Frank Cass & Co. LTD, 1967, Vol. II, Page 358.
January 25, 1483
The King of Scotland’s brother the Duke of Albany and his envoy arrived in London. Scofield, pg. 359
Candlemas Day, (February 2), 1483
The Duke of Albany and his envoy accompanied King Edward IV and his Queen Elizabeth Woodville in a procession from St. Stephen’s Chapel into Westminster Hall. A week later, Edward authorized the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Scrope and Sir William Parre to treat with the three Scots. Two days later, a treaty was signed. Scofield, pg. 360

Edward IV
February 18, 1483
The House of Commons granted a tax for the defense of the realm. Scofield, pg. 361
February 20, 1483
Edward offered Francis II of Brittany 4,000 archers for 3 month’s service, and to have them ready off Plymouth or Dartmouth within a month at most after the duke had called for them. On that day, too, Parliament finished up its session by giving Richard, the King’s brother, an hereditary grant to lands in England and Scotland. Richard left London shortly after. Scofield, pg. 363
February 22, 1483
Edward dispatched a man to France "on certain our messages to be done there." Scofield, pg. 363
March 6, 1483
Richard reached the city of York, where he was greeted by the Mayor and alderman.
March 8, 1483
Anthony Woodville sent his lawyer Andrew Dymmock a copy of the patents appointing him as Governor of the Prince, which meant that he could move him at will, and also a patent empowering him to raise troops in the Welsh Marches.
Mid-March, 1483
Edward IV went to Windsor.
March 25, 1483
Edward returned to Westminster Palace.
March 30 (Easter) 1483
At some time between March 25 through April 2, 1483, Edward IV went on a fishing trip on the Thames, where he caught a cold. (Dominic Mancini) Using the Croyland Chronicler as her source, Cora Scofield writes: "About this time, Edward’s last illness began.
The King took to his bed. Virgil described the illness as an "unknown disease." The Norman chronicler Thomas Basin said that the King had upset his digestive system by eating a surfeit of fruits and vegetables. Commines believed it was due to Edward’s disappointment regarding the breakup of the intended marriage between his daughter and the dauphin. Dr. John Rae, in "Deaths of the English Kings" (1913) suggested pneumonia because contemporaries say that Edward lay on his left side. Commines also said that Edward had a stroke. Kendall stated that the King collapsed from stroke or indigestion.
April 4, 1483
The Earl of Essex, treasurer of England, died.
April 6, 1483
A false report of Edward IV’s death had reached York, and a dirge was sung in the Minster.
April 7, 1483
Knowing that he was going to die, Edward summoned Queen Elizabeth Woodville, his children, and his magnates to his bedside. He urged the Queen, her oldest son Thomas Grey of Dorset, and his best friend William Hastings to make peace with one another, a request with which they tearfully complied.
April 9, 1483
Edward IV died.
April 10, 1483
Edward IV’s body was borne to the Chapel of St. Stephens, where there were eight days of solemn obsequies. Notables began to gather in London for the funeral.
April 11, 1483
Edward’s 12-year old son, who was still at Ludlow Castle 200 miles from London, was proclaimed Edward V in his capital city. The Council set his coronation date for May 4th . A 2,000 man-escort for the King was agreed upon, after much passionate debate.
Not trusting the Woodvilles, William Hastings, the late King’s best friend and Lord Chamberlain, wrote to Richard, Duke of Gloucester, to tell him of his brother’s death and to suggest that he come to the capitol with a large force and intercept the young King. The Croyland Chronicler says that Hastings also wrote to Buckingham. That evening, William Hastings and John Howard had supper together.

April 14, 1483
Young Edward and his household heard that Edward IV was dead. Rivers was asked to bring the King to London by May 1st. John Rous , antiquarian for the Earls of Warwick, wrote that the friends of the young King’s father "flocked to him" to pay their respects. On this day, Henry Stafford, the Duke of Buckingham, also learned of Edward IV’s death while on his estates at Brecon on the Welsh Marches.
Mid-April, 1483
Richard received Hastings’ letter at his home in Middleham Castle. He then wrote a series of letters: To Anthony Woodville, the Earl Rivers, expressing an interest to meet up with the King and enter London with him; to Hastings, Buckingham, and others warning them of dire consequences if the Woodvilles remained in possession of the King and his government; and, lastly, to the Queen, in which he promised to "come and offer submission, fealty, and all that was due from him to his lord and King, Edward V." (Croyland Chronicler)
April 16, 1483
Writing on behalf of his uncle Rivers, Edward informed the burghers of Lynn (which was near Rivers’ manor) of his plans to be in London "in all convenient haste."
With his nephew John de la Pole, the Earl of Lincoln, serving as the chief mourner, Edward IV’s funeral ceremonies commenced at Westminster Abbey.
April 18, 1483
Edward IV’s body was brought by procession to Windsor. In London, there was a clerical convocation in which prayers were offered for Edward V and his mother Elizabeth Woodville.
April 19, 1483
Edward IV was buried at St. George’s Chapel in Windsor.
April 20, 1483
Having asked his followers to meet him in York, Richard left Middleham Castle, taking 300 men with him.
Council met in London for many days. The Croyland Chronicler wrote that it was "the most urgent desire of all present that the Prince should succeed his father in all his glory." Council argued over the type of government that should be established during the King’s minority, and the nature of the Protectorate, which, as only living brother of Edward IV, would naturally go to Richard. Council also appointed Edward Woodville Admiral of the Fleet to assemble a navy which would confront French and Breton pirates.
April 21, 1483
In York, Richard held a solemn funeral ceremony for his brother and had all of the nobility of the region take an oath of loyalty to the young King. Richard was the first to do so.
Buckingham received Richard’s letter. He had his servant make plans with Richard to meet him at Northampton.
April 23, 1483
Edward V celebrated St. George’s Day at Ludlow. In the meantime, Richard had left York for Nottingham.
April 24, 1483
Edward V and his household officers left Ludlow.
While in route to Nottingham, Richard received word from Rivers that they would meet in Northampton on April 29th. Richard stopped at Pontefract Castle.
April 26, 1483
Buckingham had left Brecon with 300 men. Richard arrived in Nottingham, where he was met by Buckingham’s servant.
April 29, 1483
Edward Woodville went to sea.
Edward V and his party arrived at Northampton, but Rivers remained behind to meet with Richard and the Duke of Buckingham while Edward and his other household officers rode on ahead to Stony Stratford. Richard and Buckingham arrived in Northampton separately.
According to Polydore Vergil, the Tudor historian, this was the date on which Richard told the Duke of Buckingham that he intended to seize the throne.
April 30, 1483
After having spent a congenial evening with Richard and Buckingham, Rivers was arrested by Richard and Buckingham, who then rode to Stony Stafford to intercept the King, arrest his household officers, and dismiss his escort. Richard then wrote a letter to Council explaining his actions.
May 1, 1483
Queen Elizabeth Woodville, nine-year old Richard, the Duke of York, the five princesses, Elizabeth’s brother Lionel, and her son Tom Grey of Dorset fled to the Sanctuary of Westminster during the early hours. At dawn, Thomas Rotherham, the Archbishop of York, gave the Queen the Great Seal of England in his capacity as Chancellor. Council met to discuss the situation. When Richard’s soothing letter was read to Council, Hastings tried to reassure everyone of Richard’s honorable intentions toward Edward V. He was sure that Richard would treat his prisoners to impartial justice when he arrived in London. Hastings’ words soothed the fears of the Londoners and discredited the Woodvilles.
May 2, 1483
Richard sent the prisoners to his northern strongholds: Rivers to Sheriff Hutton; Grey to Middleham, and Vaughan to Pontefract. When he heard of Rotherham’s actions, he ordered that Rotherham be stripped of the Chancellor’s office, although he was allowed to remain on Council.
May 3, 1483
Edward V, Richard, Buckingham, and the escort left Northampton in the morning and spent the night at St. Albans.
May 4, 1483
Edward V entered London by way of Barnet. The Mayor, aldermen, and 500 citizens dressed in velvet welcomed the royal party at Hornsey Park. Edward was taken to the Bishop of London’s palace. Richard summoned the magnates and citizens to swear fealty to Edward, which was done by all "with the greatest pleasure and delight," says the Croyland Chronicler.
May 5 – 7, 1483
Richard was riding high in the favor of Council. He turned the Great Seal over to Thomas Bourchier, the Archbishop of Canterbury. At Baynard’s Castle (the London residence of Cicely of York, the grandmother of Edward V and mother of Richard and Edward IV and current residence of Richard), Edward IV’s executors met, but failed to administer his will because Edward’s bequests to his children could not be honored while they were in Sanctuary.
May 9, 1483
Richard dispatched men to take command of Isle of Wight and Portsmouth.
May 10, 1483
Richard was in control when Council met. He dismissed some members who had served Edward IV, but others (Hastings, Stanley, Rotherham, Stillington, Morton) remained. Edward V’s former tutor John Alcock, the bishop of Rochester, was invited to join them. Council decided that the King should be moved to the royal apartments of the Tower of London. Most importantly, Richard of Gloucester was made Protector. His unblemished record of loyalty to Edward IV and the bloodless coup at Northampton and Stony Stratford impressed the councilors. They not only made him Protector but gave him ‘the tutelage and oversight of the King’s most royal person.’ He was given sovereign power "just like another King," says the Croyland Chronicler. Coins were ordered to be minted in the name of Edward V.
John Russell was appointed Chancellor in Thomas Rotherham’s place. He was an attractive candidate because he had not aligned himself with any faction. He did not want the position, being in his opinion too busy and disliking being promoted over Archbishop Rotherham. Richard began to reward his supporters. He gave the Earl of Northumberland grants and offices for his service, and he made John Wode, the Speaker of the House of Commons and a friend of his, Treasurer.
Despite their enthusiasm for Richard, Council resisted Richard when he attempted to have Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute accused of treason. They further criticized him for not taking proper concern for the dignity and safety of the Queen. At the same time, they joined with Richard in denouncing Edward Woodville and asking him to disband his fleet, although it was they who had authorized him to man the fleet. All but two ships returned.
May 11 - 23, 1483
Richard sent an envoy to the French pirate Lord Cordes as a prelude to a truce. Committees of councilors met in the Star Chamber of Westminster, in the Tower of London, or in each other’s homes. During this time, Richard appointed people to try to persuade the Queen and her children to leave Sanctuary. He encouraged people to visit her. Despite this show of good will, he seized the lands of Rivers, Grey, Dorset, and other members of the family wherever he could.
May 13, 1483
Writing in the name of Edward V, Richard issued writs to summon all the peers of the realm to London for a Parliament three days after the coronation, now scheduled for June 22, 1483. When he asked Council to extend his Protectorate until Edward V reached his majority, Council decided that this was a matter for Parliament.
May 14, 1483
Richard appointed John Howard Chief Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster. He authorized men to go to sea to capture Edward Woodville.
May 15, 1483
John Howard gave Richard an expensive gold cup that weighed 65 ounces. Richard made the Duke of Buckingham Constable of England, Chief Justice and Lord Chamberlain of the whole of Wales for life, and the stewardship of 50 castles and lordships in the principality. He was given the power to array the King’s subjects in those counties and control of all royal castles and manors therein (which must have included Ludlow Castle). Buckingham replaced Rivers on the Council of the Marches and was given almost sovereign power in Wales.
Mid May, 1483
As Richard was shown favor and showed his favor to his supporters, he and they began to take on the appearance of a political party. People of this group included John Howard and the Duke of Buckingham, of course, Francis Lovell, the childhood friend of Richard, Robert Stillington, former Chancellor to King Edward and intimate friend of George of Clarence, and John de la Pole, nephew to Richard through his sister, and Thomas Langton, a cleric.
May 20, 1483
William Hastings was allowed to continue as Lord Chamberlain of England and Governor of Calais, and Richard appointed him Master of the Mint. He was given no other rewards. Writs were issued in the name of the King, saying that those who wanted to be knighted at the coronation should present themselves in London on June 18th.
May 21, 1483
Thomas Langton, Richard’s adherent, was elevated to the Bishopric of St. David’s.
End of May, 1483
Council found its power diminished in favor of Buckingham and Howard. They began to question Richard’s motives and worry about the safety of the young king. Many were intimidated by Richard’s treatment of the Woodvilles, and were afraid to speak out. But as the important men of England held back in fear and confusion, Richard appealed to the magnates and citizens of London on a daily basis, trying to win their confidence and approval. Suspicions of Richard grew. The Croyland Chronicler said that, in spite of Richard’s public gestures of loyalty and the setting of a date for the coronation, there were those who wondered why the King’s relatives and servants were still being held in prison. Among the supporters of Edward V, a feeling of uncertainty grew.
Beginning of June, 1483
Unease, restlessness, and doubt gathered "like mist at Westminster and the Tower. It is a thing of dark corners and the rustle of whispers, insubstantial but pervasive. (Kendall)"
The antiquarian John Rous, writing several years after these events, said that Richard "showed extraordinary cunning by dividing the Council." Richard met in private with his supporters at Crosby Place, while the rest – foremost of whom were Hastings, Rotherham, Morton and others loyal to Edward V – met at Baynard’s Castle and Westminster to plan the coronation and discuss routine business.
Many of Edward’s supporters began to feel that Richard was conspiring against the King at these secret meetings. Dominic Mancini and Thomas More both report that Edward’s supporters met in private in each other’s homes to discuss the situation. To discover Richard’s intentions, William Hastings employed his lawyer, William Catesby, to attend Richard’s meetings and report to him what they were about.
June 5, 1483
Richard’s wife Anne Neville arrived in London and sent a box of wafers to John Howard’s wife. Richard wrote a letter to the city of York, stating his affection for them, and gave it to his man John Brackenbury to deliver. Also on that day, Richard moved from Baynard’s Castle to Crosby Place, his London townhouse.
Letters were sent in the King’s name to 50 esquires, commanding them "to prepare and furnish yourselves to receive the noble order of knighthood at our coronation." .
June 8, 1483
On this date, Phillippe Commynes later claimed that Robert Stillington, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, presented himself to Council providing evidence that Edward IV had been precontracted to another woman before marrying Elizabeth Woodville. But Simon Stallworthe, reporting the events of the Council meeting, said that nothing unusual had happened.
Before June 9, 1483
Richard was reported to have sounded out Hastings’s loyalty through either Buckingham (as reported by Dominic Mancini) or Catesby (as reported by Thomas More), and was told that Hastings would accept Richard as Protector, but not as King. More said that Hastings responded "with terrible words" which were repeated to Gloucester.
Many writers report that by now, the friends of Edward V were alarmed for his safety and worried that Richard was contemplating usurping the throne. Polydore Vergil said that Hastings, Stanley, Morton and Rotherham met to discuss the possibility of seizing the King by force and of deposing Gloucester of the Protectorship and removing Buckingham from Council. They might have even approached the Queen through Jane Shore, Edward IV’s beloved mistress. The Croyland Chronicler, who probably sat on Council himself, insisted that Hastings was not conspiring against Gloucester, but a fragment from a commonplace book of a London merchant indicated that "divers imagined the death of the Duke of Gloucester, and it was espied," and Hastings’ name was mentioned.
Mancini said that Richard "considered that his prospects were not sufficiently secure without the removal or imprisonment of those who had been the closest friends of his brother and were expected to be loyal to his brother’s offspring." This group would include Hastings and John Morton.
A Welsh chronicler Humphrey Lluyd indicated that Richard wanted to remove Hastings because "Hastings would not freely have this man crowned."
June 9, 1483
Simon Stallworthe, a servant of John Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, wrote to William Stoner, saying that "There is great business against the coronation." Plans for the event were advancing rapidly. He said that negotiations with the Queen in Sanctuary had broken down, and the Council members refused to visit her anymore.
Stallworthe mentioned a meeting of the Council, but had nothing to report except the plans for the coronation, which was now scheduled for June 22nd. He said that the Queen, her children, her brother Lionel Woodville, and others remained in Sanctuary. He mentioned that the Prior of Westminster was in trouble because of certain goods that the Queen’s son Thomas Grey of Dorset had delivered to him.
June 10, 1483
Richard wrote to the Civic Council of York, asking for as many men as possible "to aid and assist us against the Queen, her blood adherents and affinity," whom he claimed were trying to destroy him, Buckingham, and the "old royal blood of this realm."
Building up to his usual apologies for Richard’s treacherous behavior, Paul Murray Kendall comments that "the gatherings of Hastings and his friends had not gone unnoticed, nor the occasions that they found to speak together with the young King," inferring that they should have been ignoring the King as Richard was doing.
June 11, 1483
Richard wrote more letters to the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Neville, etc. Ratcliffe delivered them, as well as carrying warrants for the executions of Rivers, Grey, Vaughan, and Haute in defiance of Council.
June 12, 1483
Richard summoned Buckingham, Hastings, Morton, Rotherham, Stanley, John Howard and his son Thomas to a council meeting at the Tower the next day, while he scheduled another one for the same day at Westminster, ostensibly for the finalization of the coronation plans, with John Russell presiding.
June 13, 1483
Too discrete to accuse his friend the Duke of Norfolk’s father of being a louse, Thomas More would later say that Hastings was escorted to the Tower by a "mean knight." In later editions of More’s work, this "mean knight" was identified as Thomas Howard, the son of John Howard. Richard wanted to make sure than Hastings turned up at the Council meeting.
At 9 am, Richard entered the Tower, all smiles. He then left, but returned at about 10:30, and had Hastings executed. All sources agree that Hastings was executed within minutes of his arrest. Great Chronicle stated that the execution was done "without any process of law or lawful examination." The Croyland Chronicler said that innocent blood had been shed, "and in this way, without justice or judgment, the three strongest supporters of the new King were removed."
As for the other friends of Edward V whom Richard arrested, Thomas Rotherham, the Bishop of York, was committed to the temporary custody of Richard’s supporter James Tyrell. He was sent to the Tower by June 21st. John Morton was sent to Tower, and, although the University of Oxford pleaded for his release, he was put into the custody of the Duke of Buckingham. The Croyland Chronicler and Dominic Mancini indicated that they were spared from capital punishment because they were clergymen. John Forster and Stanley were briefly imprisoned. Jane Shore’s possessions were confiscated, she was thrown in prison, and forced endure public humiliation for harlotry.
Two hours after the execution, Richard sent out heralds to calm the populace, reading a proclamation that was so long, so detailed and issued so swiftly that it almost certain that it had been drawn up before Council met. As he did when he captured King Edward V and his officers at Stony Stratford, Richard attacked the morals of his enemies, even as he sought to assure the public. The Great Chronicle said thus "was this nobleman murdered for his truth and fidelity which he bore unto his master." Deprived of their leaders and intimidated by this show of violence, the moderates on Council could not effectively oppose Richard.
Thomas Grey knew that Sanctuary would no longer protect him. He fled Sanctuary, hiding in a field of corn to elude Richard’s men, and escaped to France. Sometime later, Lionel Woodville, the Bishop of Salisbury, left Sanctuary and returned to his diocese.
Richard assembled the whole Council to describe what he had done. He denied the King’s attendants access to him.
About Hastings, the Great Chronicler of London says: "And thus was this noble man murdered for his troth and fidelity which he bare until his master (Edward V).’ It was an unpopular move, as shown by the fear, dismay and consternation which it immediately produced in the capital. The mayor had reassurances that there had been a plot against the person of the King and that Hastings its originator had paid the penalty. Mancini says that many people suspected that "the plot had been feigned by the duke so as to escape the odium of such a crime." An uprising was also kept in check by the report that many thousands of Richard’s northerners and the Duke of Buckingham’s men were now approaching the capital. Rous says that Stanley was released early because Richard feared that his son Lord Strange might stir up trouble for him in the northwest. Thomas More says about Hastings that he was "a good might and a gentle… a loving man and passing well-loved. Very faithful and trusty enough, trusting too much." Vergil describes his "bountifulness and liberality, much beloved of the common people, bearing great sway among all sorts of men and persons of great reputation."
June 14, 1483
John Brackenbury arrived in York with Richard’s letter expressing his great affection for the city.
June 15, 1483
Jane Shore, the beloved mistress of Edward IV who was arrested with other supporters of Edward V on June 13, did public penance at St. Paul’s, wearing only her kirtle and carrying a lighted taper. She was then cast into prison.
Richard’s supporter Richard Ratcliffe reached York, where he delivered to the Civic Council the Protector’s order to send an armed force to the Earl of Northumberland at Pontefract for mustering on the 18th.
June 16, 1483
A "wary and nervous Council" met at the Tower. They argued about the release of King Edward V's 9-year old brother Richard, the Duke of York, from the Sanctuary of Westminster Abbey. Richard surrounded the Sanctuary with troops. John Howard and his son Thomas hired eight boats full of soldiers to escort the Richard, the Duke of Buckingham, Thomas Bourchier (the Archbishop of Canterbury), John Russell (Bishop of Lincoln), and themselves to Westminster and then formed an armed chain around the Abbey. Dominic Mancini says, "When the Queen saw herself besieged and preparation for violence, she surrendered her son, trusting in the word of the Archbishop of Canterbury that the boy should be restored after the coronation."
Polydore Vergil says that Richard was already lodging in the Tower by this time. Shortly after this date, Edward and Richard, the sons of Edward IV, were moved to the innermost apartments of the Tower proper. They were seen more rarely behind bars and windows, says Mancini. They were seen shooting and playing after June 16 but before the second week of July. There is a possibility that the Chronicler was referring to Edward alone on some of these occasions.
With the flight of Thomas Grey, little Edward of Warwick, the 8-year old son of the late George, Duke of Clarence, had no legal guardian. Richard commanded that he come to the city and be kept in the household of his maternal aunt, Anne Neville, Richard's wife.
June 17, 1483
Writs were issued, canceling the meeting of Parliament on June 25, but some of these writs arrived after people had already left their homes for the capital. Preparations for the crowning of Edward V were abandoned. Orders were sent north for the executions of Rivers, Grey and Vaughan.
June 17 - 22, 1483
Edward V's attendants were dismissed.
June 19, 1483
The Civic Council in York called up the troops required by Richard.
June 21, 1483
Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York and partisan of Edward V and his mother, was sent to the Tower.
Simon Stallworthe, a servant of John Russell, wrote to William Stoner. He was ill and sick at heart. He reported Hastings' death and the delivery of little Richard, Duke of York, from Sanctuary. He stated that Lord Lisle, the Queen's brother-in-law, had sought the favor of Richard and attended upon him. Stallworthe reported that 20,000 men of Richard and Buckingham were expected to arrive, for what purpose he didn't know, except to keep the peace. He said that the rest of Hastings' party was in prison. Richard had now appointed Russell as the new Chancellor to replace Rotherham, but Stallworthe said that Russell didn't want the job and was busier than he wanted to be. Stallworthe reported that Hastings' men had entered Buckingham's service.
News of the troops heading for London causes alarm and concern, especially since there was already a considerably military presence wearing Richard's livery in the city. The mayor organized a watch to keep the peace.
London was in the grip of rumor, doubt, fear, and speculation. Richard stopped wearing mourning and started wearing purple. He took to riding through the city with a great train of lords and attendants. He spent his time between Baynard's Castle and Crosby Place and entertained increasing numbers of guests.
Paul Murray Kendall, who is the source for the above, reports that Richard started to talk with others about Robert Stillington's "revelation" concerning Edward IV's alleged marriage pre-contract with another woman before he married Elizabeth Woodville, his Queen.
June 22, 1483
As Francis Leary says, this date was "the lost coronation day of the lost little King."
Dr. Ralph Shaa, brother of the Mayor of London and celebrated orator, delivered a dastardly sermon entitled "Bastard slips should not take deep root" at St. Paul's Cross. Other preachers gave sermons around the city, indicating, as Mancini writes, that the "progeny of King Edward should be instantly eradicated, for neither had he been a legitimate King, nor could his issue be so." Shaa died the next year, a death attributed by the London Chronicles and Thomas More to shame and remorse.
Richard, Buckingham, and a great train of magnates went to St. Paul's Cross to hear Shaa deliver his speech questioning the legitimacy of Edward IV's children by Elizabeth Woodville. Buckingham and other speakers impugned Edward IV's paternity and spoke in favor of Richard.
Popular historian Alison Weir reports that the Duchess of York, mother of Edward IV and Richard, and grandmother of Edward V, lived in retirement at Berhansted Castle, but had come to London for her grandson's coronation. Some of the preachers had slandered her virtue by casting aspersions about Edward IV's legitimacy. In 1484, when the Act "Titilus Regius" was passed, Richard allowed the allegations of bastardy to be indirectly leveled again, having himself described as the undoubted son of the Duke of York.
June 23, 1483
Imprisoned at Sheriff Hutton, Anthony Woodville, the Earl Rivers, was told that he would be taken to Pontefract Castle and executed. He made a will in which Russell and Catesby were mentioned as executors. He asked Richard to oversee the carrying out of his wishes. His will was never proved. He asked to be buried at Pontefract with the Lord Richard Grey.
Buckingham went to Guildhall to address the mayor, aldermen, and chief citizens on behalf of Richard. He spoke eloquently and persuasively for an hour and a half, so that all who heard it marveled. He talked about the pre-contract and remarked that the kingship was "no child's office." He was greeted with silence.
June 24, 1483
Richard Ratcliffe arrived at Pontefract with troops from York. He conveyed Richard's orders for the executions to the Earl of Northumberland who was waiting for him with troops of his own. Rivers was escorted to Pontefract, where he joined Richard Grey, who was brought up from Middleham Castle, and Vaughan, who was already there. The contemporary John Rous says, "The said lords were condemned to death by the Earl on the false charge that they had in fact plotted the death of Richard, Duke of Gloucester, and, for a thing they had never contemplated, the innocent humbly and peacably submitted to a cruel fate." Rous describes Northumberland as the chief judge, but the Croyland Chronicler affirms that there was no trial.
Buckingham reiterated Richard's claim to the throne in an eloquent speech before the mayor and aldermen.
June 25, 1483
Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan were beheaded in the presence of Northumberland, Ratcliffe, the assembled northern forces, and some of the public. None of the men was allowed to make a speech. Rous said that afterwards, when the bodies were prepared for burial, Rivers was found to be wearing a consecrated hair shirt "which was long after displayed in the church of the Carmelite friars in Doncaster as a holy object." Rivers and Grey were buried naked in a common grave in a monastery at Pontefract, but Vaughan, called "an aged knight" by the Croyland Chronicler, was eventually laid to rest at Westminster Abbey under a Latin epitaph which translates as "To love and to wait upon," an allusion to his devoted service to Edward V.
All contemporary writers agree that these men were innocent. No evidence to the contrary has ever been produced. Rous says that they were "unjustly and cruelly put to death, being lamented by everyone, and innocent of the deed for which they were charged." Thomas More states that their only fault was in being "good men, too true to the King." Polydore Vergil says that their only offence was to stand in the way of Richard's ambitions. The Croyland Chronicler observes that this was the "second innocent blood which was shed on the occasion of this sudden change."
A great number of lords and commoners in England were summoned to Westminster. Mancini says that they "supposed they were called both to hear the reason for Hastings' execution and to decide again upon the coronation of Edward." Mancini says that Richard secretly dispathed Buckingham to the lords with orders to submit their decision regarding the disposal of the throne. Buckingham brought with him a petition, says the Croyland Chronicler. The petition is lost, but was included in the "Titilus Regius" passed in 1484. It is couched in lofty, indignant, moral tones, typical of Richard's propaganda campaign. Charles Ross describes it as something that "provides us with our fullest knowledge of Richard's claim in its considered and developed form...This document is a mixture of the specious moralizing and deliberate deceit which characterized Richard's propagandist effusions."
Buckingham's words reflected the spirit of the petition when he delivered an attack on the government of Edward IV. He gave three reasons for the invalidity of Edward's marriage to Elizabeth Woodville: It was made without the consent of the lords and through witchcraft, made privately and secretly, without the edition of banns, and was bigamous, since Edward had already made a pre-contract with another woman.
Since 8-year old Edward of Warwick was the son of Richard's elder brother George, and since attainders for treason can be reversed, young Warwick had a better right to the throne than Richard. However, Alison Weir nicely puts it: "As far as Gloucester was concerned, the time for legal niceties was long past." Buckingham let the lords "decide."
What Richard passed off now as "Parliament" deposed Edward V. Charles Ross says it was acting illegally. Parliament had been summoned in the name of a king who was now declared not to be a king. Nonetheless, Richard claimed that he had been ordained king "by the concord assent of the Lords and Commons."

June 26, 1483
The lords gathered at Baynard's Castle to petition Richard to take the throne. Buckingham was "master of ceremonies." Richard accepted. He seated himself in the marble chair of the King's Bench. The date of his coronation was set. He made Russell his Chancellor, and John Gunthrope the Keeper of the Privy Seal, Catesby was Chancellor of the Exchequer, his personal friends Francis Lovell and Robert Percy respectively his Chamberlain and Comptroller. He made John Kendall his secretary.
June 28, 1483
John Howard got what he wanted: The Dukedom of Norfolk. He was created hereditary Earl Marshall of England. He was given half of the Mowbray estates, and Lord Berkeley was given the other half and made Earl of Nottingham. Both of these had formerly belonged to 9-year old Richard of York, the younger brother of the deposed King Edward V, by Acts of Parliament in 1478 and 1483. As these acts had not been repealed, these offices were illegally taken. Howard's son Thomas was made Earl of Surrey. Buckingham was made Great Chamberlain of England.
A few days later
Richard's forces arrived from the North, accompanied by some of Buckingham's troops. They numbered approximately 3,000 to 4,000 men. They mustered outside of London. Richard decided to employ them as auxiliary police at his coronation.
July 1, 1483
The army Richard had summoned from the North arrives and camps outside the gates of London. Dominic Mancini says there were 6,000 men. Richard decides to use them as auxiliary police at his coronation because "he was afraid lest any uproar should be fomented against him at his coronation. He himself went out to meet the soldiers before they entered the City." The Great Chronicler states that "there was hasty provision made for his coronation."
July 4, 1483
Richard and Anne go by barge from Westminster to the royal apartments of the Tower of London. At the request of the University of Cambridge, Richard formally releases Rotherham from the Tower and makes Thomas Stanley steward of his household.
Security for the coronation was tight." A proclamation orders a 10 pm curfew for the next three nights and forbids the citizens of London from carrying arms. Visitors had to stay in officially approved lodgings. Mancini states that northern soldiers were "stationed at suitable points" along the streets and that they stayed there until after the coronation.
July 5, 1483
Richard and Anne leave the Tower and proceed to Westminster, with Richard on horseback and Anne in a litter. A procession of magnates, prelates, knights, and household attendants follows him as he takes the traditional journey from the Tower to Westminster.
July 6, 1483
Richard is crowned. It’s a well attended coronation, since the English peerage had come to London for the Parliament that had been postponed. The Duchess of York, Richard’s mother, did not attend, neither did Katherine Woodville, the Duchess of Buckingham, whose husband had been so instrumental in obtaining the throne for Richard. He supervises the assembling of the great procession in the White Hall. John Howard is given the traditional honor of the Mowbrays -- the office of Earl Marshal – and has been created High Steward of England for the crowning. Robert Stillington, who had given Richard the color of justification for his usurpation, supports Richard. Thomas Bourchier, the Archbishop of Canterbury, does the crowning, "albeit unwillingly," says Mancini. Bourchier does not attend the 5 ½ hour banquet at Westminster Hall. His place to the right of Richard is taken by the Bishop of London.
July 7 or 8, 1483
Richard and Anne go to Greenwich Palace and then to Windsor. The northern troops are sent home. Richard sends word of his usurpation to the rulers of Europe. He set Buckingham, Norfolk and Northumberland as his lieutenants in Wales, East Anglia, and the North. (Kendall)
around July 13, 1483
Mancini leaves England. He says that, before his departure, the Princes had "ceased to appear altogether," and this is corroborated by every other source. Already people are thinking and fearing the worst. Mancini writes: "I have seen many men burst forth into tears and lamentations when mention was made of him (Edward V) after his removal from men’s sight, and already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with. Whether, however, he has been done away with and by what manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
July 13, 1483
Richard issues a provisional grant naming the Duke of Buckingham as the rightful heir to the disputed Bohun inheritance. Richard makes John Howard the Lord Admiral. Paul Murray Kendall, Richard’s sometimes-apologetic defender, dishonestly says that Howard also received the yearly income from 23 royal estates and the "outright gift" of almost 100 manors, without mentioning that they had been Lord Rivers’. Richard also gives his supporter Robert Brackenbury Hastings’ office of Master and Worker of the King’s Money and Keeper of the Exchange. Francis Lovell, Richard’s childhood friend, is made Lord Chamberlain and Chief Butler of England.
Richard appoints Dr. Thomas Hutton to negotiate with Duke Francis of Brittany for a meeting to redress complaints about piracy advanced by both sides. He also asks Hutton to find out about Sir Edward Woodville and his retinue. Richard doesn’t mention Tudor because he doesn’t want Francis to suppose that he thinks Tudor is important.
July 15, 1483
Buckingham is made Lord High Constable of England, an office which makes him chief commander of the army and gives him jurisdiction over military offenses, control of all matter relating to heraldry and chivalry, and responsibility for fortifications and defense. In this latter capacity, the Tower of London was under his jurisdiction.
July 17, 1483
Robert Brackenbury, a northerner and a long-time supporter of Richard, is made Constable of the Tower. He had a reputation for being a well-intentioned, if naïve, man of kindly disposition, who was popular at court.
July 18, 1483
A royal warrant is issued, authorizing payment of wages to 13 men for their services to "Edward, bastard, late called King Edward V." These are the servants who were dismissed after the death of Hastings.
Sir William Knyvett, a servant of Buckingham, is made constable of Castle Rising.
William Collynsbourne writes the rhyme "The Cat, the Rat, and Lovell our Dog, ruleth all England under the Hogge" and nails it to the door of St. Paul’s Cathedral.
July 19, 1483
Richard makes his son Lieutenant of Ireland, a title customarily borne by Yorkist heirs to the throne.
July 20, 1483
Richard leaves Windsor and goes to London. Anne, his wife, follows him there later. This marks the start of Richard’s royal progress through England.
July 22, 1483
Richard goes westward at the head of a great procession, accompanied by his nephew John de la Pole, the Earl of Lincoln, and probably Buckingham, who is said to have left the King’s party at Gloucester. Buckingham’s name is omitted from a list of those present at a dinner given in the King’s honor by Magdalen College, Oxford (July 24). Richard spends the first night of his progress in Reading.
July 23, 1483
From Reading, Richard issues a grant pardoning Hastings’ "offences" and promising to be a good and gracious lord to his widow Katherine, who is granted the wardship and marriage of her son Edward, possession of Hastings’ moveable property and custody of his estates during her son’s minority. Hastings’ high offices had been split between Buckingham, Catesby, and Lovell. He displays similar generosity to Lord Rivers’ widow.
July 24, 1483
Richard reaches Oxford and is dined at Magdalen College. He stays the might and spends most of the following day there.
July 25, 1483
He rides to nearby Woodstock Palace where he loads more offices onto Howard, making him Surveyor of Array in 13 counties, Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster, and a member of the Council. He also grants him 46 manors in East Anglia and rents from 25 others, all the former property of the Earl Rivers.
While at Woodstock, Richard "disafforests" for the use of the common people some land which Edward IV had annexed for his own pleasure. London, Gloucester, and Worcester offer him a benevolence, but he declines, saying that he would rather have their hearts than their money. John Kendall reports to the magistrates of York that the King is well received.
July 26, 1483
Richard spends more time in Oxford, inspecting the colleges. He then stays for a few days as a guest of Francis Lovell.
July 27, 1483
William Berkeley is confirmed as Governor of the Isle of Wight. (Ross)
July 28, 1483
Richard gives Howard 20 more of Rivers’ manors, making him the most wealthy and powerful subject in the kingdom, after Buckingham.
July 26-29, 1483
While staying at Lovell’s, Richard learns that there are conspiracies. The Croyland Chronicler indicates that the Princes "were under special guard. In order to release them from such captivity, the people from the South and the West of the Kingdom began to murmur greatly and to form assemblies and confederacies, many of which worked in secret, others openly, and with this aim." The conspirators are disaffected Yorkists, loyal to the line of Edward IV but not to Richard III, as well as Lancastrian dissidents and the Woodville faction: The Queen’s three remaining brothers are all involved. Some of the plotters (stupidly) appeal to Buckingham to join them, but he rejects the offer out of hand.
We do not have much information about the nature of the conspiracy. The Elizabethan antiquarian John Stow wrote in 1580 of a plot in July 1483 to secure the release of Edward V and little Richard of York from the Tower by diverting their gaolers with a blaze." There was also a plot to spirit their sisters overseas. Such a plot would guarantee some measure of safety for the Princes as well. If the boys were killed and Elizabeth of York was abroad, she would be considered the rightful Queen and might find a foreign prince willing to take up arms to restore her to her inheritance and thus gain a crown.
July 29, 1483
Richard writes to Russell in vague terms about the conspiracy. Henceforth, as Croyland says, "the noble church of monks at Westminster and all the neighboring parts assumed the appearance of a castle and fortress, while men of the greatest austerity were appointed by King Richard to act as keepers thereof." John Nesfield is appointed captain and head of these men, so that no one can enter or leave the monastery without his permission. Some of the conspirators go underground or flee abroad.
Richard rides to Gloucester. More says that this is when he devises the murder of the Princes. This is when he allegedly sends for John Green, who has been employed by Richard and by Tyrell in various capacities. A John Green was also working in Edward IV’s household in 1474 and 1475. Richard sends Green to Brackenbury to tell him to put the Princes to death. More says Brackenbury knelt "before Our Lady in the Tower" and "plainly answered that he would never put (the Princes) to death, though he should die therefore."
July 30, 1483
John Green signs a warrant appointing one John Gregory to take hay, oats, horsebread, beans, peas, and litter for all of the expenses of the King’s horses and litters for a period of six months.
July 31, 1483
Richard and Buckingham meet at Gloucester, Buckingham having spent a few days in London after Richard had left on July 20th.
At the end of July, Richard’s follower James Tyrell travels on the King’s business from London to York and then to Warwick, where Richard is from August 8 through the 15th. Tyrell is Richard’s Knight of the Body, and has traditionally been fingered as the man who arranged the assassinations of Edward V and little Richard of York.
August 2, 1483
Richard and Buckingham leave Gloucester. Richard continues on progress and Buckingham returns home to Brecon. This was the last time they ever saw each other, although they continued to correspond.
August 4, 1483
Richard gives the Abbot of Tewkesbury Abbey a gift of 310 pounds from the rents of Clarence’s estates.
August 8, 1483
Richard goes to Warwick Castle and stays there a week. Queen Anne meets up with him there.
August 15, 1483
Richard leaves Warwick and goes to Coventry. According to Sir Thomas More, it was here that John Green returned from the Tower and reported to Richard that Robert Brackenbury, one of Richard’s most trusted men and Constable of the Tower, refused to participate in the murders of Edward V and little Richard of York. Another one of Richard’s men, James Tyrell, was then drafted for the mission.
Buckingham reaches his home in Brecon. Tudor writers state that he was upset over Richard’s plans to murder Edward V and little Richard and sought out the counsel of John Morton, who was a prisoner in his home. Buckingham later allegedly meets Margaret Beaufort, the Countess of Richmond and Henry Tudor’s mother, on the road between Bridgenorth and Worchester, where he is persuaded to renounce his own claim to the throne in favor of her son.
August 16, 1483
Paul Murray Kendall reports that James III sent Richard a proposal for an 8-months abstinence of war with a view to permanent peace on this day. He further states that Richard also requested an oath of allegiance from the Earl of Desmond in Ireland, inferring that they had a common sorrow because the Queen’s family had participated in the murders of Desmond’s father and of Richard’s brother George. Richard said that the guilty parties would suffer.
August 18, 1483
At Leicester, Richard writes a flippant reply in response to Louis XI’s casual letter regarding his taking of the throne. Richard tells him he will honor the truces that Edward IV had set up between himself and Louis for as long as they have to run. He tells him to stop his subjects from harassing English merchants at sea.
August 19, 1483
Little Edward, the only child of Richard III and Anne Neville, leaves Middleham Castle to join his parents in Pontefract. He stays a couple of days in York. He is so sickly that he has to be conveyed in a chariot.
August 20-23, 1483
Richard spends time at Nottingham Castle.
August 23, 1483
Richard’s secretary John Kendall writes a letter to the city of York affirming his devotion. The mayor of York and four aldermen of the City had given little Edward gifts when they heard of Richard’s accession to the throne. In his letter, Richard’s secretary suggests that the King and Queen should be "worshipfully received with pageants" in order to impress the southerners and "men of worship" who are with them.
August 24, 1483
Richard progresses to Pontefract Castle, where he has summoned 70 knights and nobles of the north. Little Edward joins up with his parents and is created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester.
August 27, 1483
Richard reaches Pontefract Castle, to which little Edward of Middleham was taken by chariot. He issues orders for the appointment of commissioners to deal with those who were arrested in connection with the end-of-July conspiracies to restore Edward V.
August 29 or 30, 1483
Richard, Anne, and Prince Edward make their state entry into York, accompanied by a large retinue of people.
August 30, 1483
Louis XI dies, leaving his kingdom to his 13-year old son Charles VIII, who, unlike his unfortunate peer Edward V of England, has a Regent (his half-sister Anne Beaujeau) who is honorable.
August 30-31, 1483
James Tyrell leaves York for London, where he is told to pick up robes and wall-hangings for the investiture of Edward of Middleham as Prince of Wales. (Thomas More writes that Tyrell left Warwick for London on or before August 15th, but Vergil says York, and the Wardrobe account verifies this.) John Deighton allegedly rides with him. He was Tyrell’s horsekeeper, says More. Dighton might have been a bailiff for the manor of Ayton in North Yorkshire, which was owned by Northumberland. Alison Weir extrapolates that Tyrell needed to leave London on September 4th in order to get back to York by the 8th. Since Tyrell left York on August 30th, the likeliest date on which he was in London was September 3rd, the night of which Weir speculates was the night on which the Princes were murdered.
Late August, 1483
Richard appoints a commission of oyer and terminer for the capital and another for the surrounding counties upon hearing of unrest. He also hears from Duke Francis of Brittany that the government of Louis XI of France wanted Henry Tudor and wanted to make war. Francis asks for 4,000 archers at Richard’s expense and another 2 or 3,000 at his expense, but Richard doesn’t comply.
Thomas Langton, whom Richard had made Bishop of St. David’s in May, is now made Bishop of Salisbury upon Lionel Woodville’s flight into exile.
Early September, 1483
Thomas Langton, whom Richard had made Bishop of St. David’s on May 21, 1483, and whom Richard had just recently made Bishop of Salisbury, writes to the Prior of Christ Church, saying that the King "contents the people where he goes best that ever did prince. On my truth, I never liked the condition of any prince so well as his." Ironic, in light of the favor that Richard had shown him personally and in light of the rebellion which was even then simmering in the South.
September 3, 1483
Modern popular historian Alison Weir speculates that the murders of Edward V and his little brother Richard occurred on this night because this was the date on which Richard’s man James Tyrell reached London on an errand to fetch robes and wall hangings for the investiture of Richard’s little son Edward of Middleham as Prince of Wales on September 8. She claims that Tyrell would have had to conduct the assassinations no later than the 3rd in order to make it back to York with the robes and wall hangings in time for the ceremony.
September 7, 1483
Richard III and his Queen Anne Neville watch a morality play in York.
September 8, 1483
Little Edward of Middleham, the son of Richard III and Anne Neville, is invested as Prince of Wales in York. It is so grand a ceremony that people in the rest of the country think that the King and Queen have had a "second" coronation. Richard knights the Spanish ambassador.
The Croyland Chronicler says that the Princes remained in the Tower while the coronation, progress, and investiture of little Edward of Middleham were taking place. After that, he doesn’t say what happened to them.
September 18, 1483
Richard shows his gratitude to York by excusing them from half of the taxes that are owed to the Crown yearly. During this time, he also makes the castle of Sheriff Hutton a royal household, where he establishes his adult nephew John de la Pole, the Earl of Lincoln, and his 8-year old nephew, Edward of Warwick, son of the late George of Clarence.
After Mid-September 1483
Anne Neville returns to Middleham with her son Edward, while Richard travels south.
September 24, 1483
According to the Rolls of Parliament, September 24, 1483 was the day on which the leaders of the October 1483 rebellion "launched their enterprise." On this day, Buckingham, having defected from Richard to join the opposition’s camp, writes to Henry Tudor, telling him to invade England on October 18th. Charles Ross, an important modern historian, rightly attacks Richard’s defender Paul Murray Kendall’s claim that "It was the Woodvilles…who dominated the movement, provided most of its strength, and directed its energies." Paul Murray Kendall, although admitting that the first purpose of the rebellion was to restore King Edward V, apparently does not want to accept the fact that Richard was unpopular with a great many of his subjects, especially those in the South. Ross continues, in refutation of Kendall, "On the contrary, although Woodville influences and connections were not unimportant, an analysis of the movement reveals a very different picture. The strongest link among the rebels lay in the fact that most were loyal former servants of Edward IV, and amongst these some of the most influential had had close connections with his household." Rosemary Horrox (in "Richard III: A Study in Service") and Lillian Gill (in "Richard III and Buckingham’s Rebellion") collaborate Ross excellently in their books, works of major importance in shedding light upon this little-studied event.
Late September, 1483
Richard spends a couple of days at Pontefract.
Early October, 1483
Richard moves toward Lincolnshire.
October 2, 1483
With 10,000 crowns from Francis of Brittany and 5,000 mercenaries, ships, and a portion of Edward IV’s treasury, Henry is ready to invade England.
October 3, 1483
Henry Tudor’s fleet sails from Brittany but a storm drives his ships back and keeps him in port.
October 10, 1483
Richard spends the night at Gainsborough.
Howard tells Paston and "6 tall fellows in harness" to join him in London.
Kent rises prematurely. (The rising was supposed to occur on October 18th.) They want to march on London, but Norfolk is there. Having captured and interrogated the rebels, Norfolk writes to Richard, revealing Buckingham’s treachery and the details of the rebellion.
October 11, 1483
Richard goes to Lincoln where he learns that a rebellion has broken out in the southern counties and that Buckingham has risen in revolt against him.
October 12, 1483
Richard writes to Russell, calling Buckingham "The most untrue creature living" (next to himself, I suppose).
October 13, 1483
Riot at Gravesend fair, where one "Bonting slew Master Mowbray with diverse others." Lillian Gill says that this is perhaps William Boutayn, the yeoman of the Crown who was sent by Norfolk to quash the rebels but instead joined them. He was attainted at Maidstone and was probably one of those four yeomen of the Crown who were executed (drawn and quartered, says Ross) on December 4, 1483, at Tyburn.
October 15, 1483
A storm of unusual violence hits southwest England.
Buckingham is publicly proclaimed a traitor.
October 18, 1483
The date on which the coordinated uprisings against Richard were to take place and Tudor was to land in England.
Buckingham attempts to join the conspirators in the southwest by crossing the River Severn, despite the rain and gales.
William Clifford of Iwade, a yeoman of the Crown, is arrested by this date and would be executed on December 4, 1483.
October 19, 1483
Richard sends proclamations to the south and west, offering a thousand-pound reward for Buckingham. He names Morton and Dorset, and others, as traitors.
October 20, 1483
Lord Strange (Stanley’s son) leaves Lathom for an unknown destination with 10,000 men.
October 19-23, 1483
The "other" Thomas Vaughan (the one who hates Tudor) captures Brecknock for the King.
The royal host pauses at Grantham.
October 21, 1483
George Stanley had orders to muster at Leicester against the rebels.
October 23, 1483
Richard issues more proclamation, one of which accused Dorset of immorality and adultery with "Shore’s wife."
October 24, 1483
Richard leaves Leicester and marches south with an army, hoping to intercept Buckingham so that he and his men would not unite with the rebels in the South West.
Gill says the royal host arrived at Coventry on this date.
October 28, 1483
Richard pauses at Oxford before going on through North Tidworth and Hungerford.
October 31, 1483
Date around which Richard arrives in Salisbury, where Buckingham is being held a prisoner.
November 1, 1483
Buckingham is captured and delivered to the King at Salisbury by the sheriff of Shropshire.
November 2, 1483
The last date to which Edward V’s coronation was postponed during Summer 1483.
Buckingham is executed at Salisbury.
Two of Henry Tudor’s ships reach Plymouth but he returns to Brittany when he hears about the collapse of the rebellion.
"The banner of rebellion was raised at Bodkin on 2 November (Edward V’s 13th birthday) on behalf of a new king (meaning Henry Tudor rather than Edward V, who was presumed to be dead).".
November 4, 1483
Richard leaves Salisbury.
November 8, 1483
Richard reaches Exeter "where his enemies had made a stand."
November 13, 1483
St. Leger, Thomas Rameney, "and another" are executed in Exeter.
November 25, 1483
Richard is back in London.
December 4, 1483
These people were executed by Richard III for their parts in the October Rebellion: George Brown, Knight of the Body who had carried the flag of St. George at Edward IV’s funeral; William Clifford, and four of the following Yeomen of the Crown: William Knight, Richard Cruse, William Frost, Richard Potter, Richard Fisher, John Boutayne, Roger Kelsale, and William Strode.
December 25, 1483
Henry Tudor makes promise to marry Elizabeth of York.

I find your timeline a little confusing. For example, you note that on October 31st that Buckingham is being held a prisoner. Yet for November 1st you then note that Buckingham is captured. If he was being held a prisoner on October 31st wouldn’t that mean that he was already captive? This information you note is contradictory and makes little sense. I think that a more accurate timeline would reflect facts from King Richard’s time period/contemporary’s and not things written later during the Tudor regime based on recollections from individuals that did not like Richard and had him killed or based on rumours. Perhaps the most realistic of timelines lie in the few records of the time that has survived and not innuendo or rumours. You know like the one that went around that he was planning to marry his niece but contemporary documentation confirms otherwise that he in fact was planning to marry a Portuguese Princess and arranging a marriage for Elizabeth of York with the Duke of Beja. This method assists with keeping personal bias to a minimum.
I appreciate your perspective and take note of your criticism. I am aware of the imprecision of the sources. It was not my intention to timeline all of the events of Richard’s reign, as I feel sure this has been done elsewhere.
So, two sources give different dates for the capture of the Duke of Buckingham – October 31 and November 1. A day of difference and a trivial point.
What Richard’s records show and what people believed are two different subjects. Richard’s arranging a marriage for himself and another for Elizabeth was politically expedient. It was a sure way to stop rumors and keep Elizabeth out of the hands of rivals. He married her sister Cecily to one of his supporters, and he probably would have likewise neutralized all of Edward’s daughters when they became of age.
It is likely that his subjects viewed his treatment of his nieces more cynically. (That Richard was negotiating marriage between Elizabeth and the son of the King of Portugal suggests he knew she was more than the illegitimate daughter of Edward IV and Lady Elizabeth Grey.)
People forget that Richard’s perspective was the prevailing and official narrative in England from May 1483 when he was made Protector until his death in August 1485. He told his side of the story from the time of his capture of Edward V until the day he died. As Protector and King, he had the power to do so.
During those months, Richard’s opposition (see Richard’s Rebels) had a voice too, but it had to go underground. That doesn’t illegitimatize their point of view. Richard’s proclamations against sedition indicate that he was aware his subjects were conspiring against him.
In the long run, despite the fact that Richard had the means to tell his story, it was not his narrative that was believed, but that of his opposition. Henry Tudor didn’t need to destroy Richard’s reputation because Richard had already done that himself.
However, your point is well taken. I will amend the page to direct people to your comment.
What are your sources for all of this? I’m particularly interested in this item:
“These people were executed by Richard III for their parts in the October Rebellion: George Brown, Knight of the Body who had carried the flag of St. George at Edward IV’s funeral; William Clifford, and four of the following Yeomen of the Crown: William Knight, Richard Cruse, William Frost, Richard Potter, Richard Fisher, John Boutayne, Roger Kelsale, and William Strode.”
Where did you get all those names from?
You asked me for my sources, and in an email message, you also requested the sources for my timeline at November 25, 1483, and December 4, 1483:
Charles Ross, Richard III, pages 105-106, 117
Paul Murray Kendall, Richard the Third, page 333
Louise Gill, Richard III and Buckingham’s Rebellion, pages 78, and 176-177
Rosemary Horrox, Richard III: A study in service, pages 160, 170-171, 177
Well, Jon, I see that my first attempt to address your questions never showed up live. So I guess I will address them here and hope whatever is keeping my replies from going live is corrected. I also will address the email you sent regarding Richard’s arrival in London on November 25 and the deaths of those men on December 4.I refer you to Charles Ross, Richard III, pages 105-106, 117. And to Paul Murray Kendall, Richard the Third, page 333. Also to Louise Gill, Richard III and Buckingham’s Rebellion, pages 78, 176-177. And to Rosemary Horrox, Richard III: A study in service, pages 160, 170-1, 177.
Your timeline is most welcome, thank you for constructing it. With this, you have surpassed all other commentary on the subject.
I have seen references to an “unholy row” between Richard 3 and Buckingham when they met at Gloucester July 31. I have seen no sources given for that claim; what have you discovered, concerning that?
Your work reads well in that you mostly refrained from editorializing, that is, your remarks do not reflect any particular bias on your part, excepting only one or two instances.
I suspect More’s reliability. His account of the council meeting that resulted in Hasting’s beheading is untrue in that Richard 3 could not have revealed a “withered arm that never was other”, because we have the bones of Richard 3 which reveal both arms as healthy and neither “withered”. In fact, Richard 3 suffered no physical disability, in the arm or otherwise, his spinal deformity notwithstanding, as he proved in his behavior at Bosworth.
Thanks again, Robert Wyer
Thank you for your compliments. Yes, I try to be impartial, but my bias is unapologetically Edwardian, and I agree with you about More’s “History.” It’s not history, but, then again, I am sure he didn’t intend this work to be a history in the modern sense. Instead, it reads like melodrama. There was no way More could have known what these historical figures said verbatim in the grandiose speeches he puts in their mouths. Paul Murray Kendall (“The Great Debate,” The Norton Library, 1965) believed More, as a writer and a humanist, was just trying to imitate the style of the ancient Greek historians and satirists. This sounds plausible. There are many errors in this “History,” and the most grievous is in the first sentence. Edward IV was NOT “fifty and three years” when he died, but a young man of 40 less than three weeks from his 41st birthday. That this history was left in draft is obvious from the blanks More left for items he was unsure about (see Richard Marous below). I suspect that More used “fifty and three” as a placeholder until he could get better information. This certainly doesn’t add to the veracity of his work. However, I don’t reject the “History” entirely as a secondary source. It remains noteworthy in that More had plenty of people he could interview regarding the events of 1483, including his father. That doesn’t mean that I believe More felt compelled to discover the truth of what he was told. In the 1510s, More would have found few people willing and eager to defend Richard III, or to correct any misconceptions about his appearance. Besides that, the “withered hand” invention is a good dramatic device for someone who was more interested in drama than an accurate history. More was a friend of Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk. He might have had reservations about implicating his friend’s family in the ambush of Hastings in the Tower. Horace Walpole’s characterization of the “History” as something More wrote “to amuse his leisure and exercise his fancy” rings true. We must remember that More never published this work, but left it unfinished in draft. It was published years after his death. For better or worse, authors usually don’t destroy their draft manuscripts, even if they abandon a project. When notable authors die, the people who find their drafts publish them, taking advantage of the celebrity of the writer (as more recently with Harper Lee). I think I understand the human psychology behind the legend of Richard’s deformities. When we admire, respect, or like someone, we overlook a blemish or imperfection. However, if our opinions change and we now dislike the person, everything negative about them grows in proportion. A slight curvature of the spine, as in Richard’s case, becomes a crookback, and, later, as the legend grows, a hunchback. I recommend Richard Marous’s biography of Thomas More (Alfred A. Knopf, NY, 1984) for a detailed and objective analysis of More’s History through the eyes of a biographer. I will reply to your other comment about Richard’s and Buckingham’s falling out soon.
It’s ironic to write about Buckingham the day before his birthday. His about-face has always puzzled historians. I checked a sample of historians to see what they said. The Continuation to the Croyland Chronicles, as a primary source on the period, says that Buckingham “repented” his alliance with Richard and “would be” the chief mover of the Rebellion. (Not likely. He’s just the most important and surprising rebel in it.) Modern historians are less inclined to consider his motives honorable. S. B. Chrimes turns to Tudor historians Vergil and Hall to reference the quarrel you mention regarding Buckingham’s disputed Hereford lands. Chrimes makes a couple of interesting points: Referencing R. S. Sylvester, he mentions that More’s unfinished “History” leaves off where Morton enters his narrative regarding the Rebellion. Chrimes suggests that Buckingham might have entertained the idea of himself replacing Richard on the throne. Other historians have suggested this. Chrimes adds that neither Buckingham’s nor Henry’s ambitions could have succeeded unless the Princes were dead. Louise Gill and other historians add that the restoration of Edward V was the aim of the Rebellion until Buckingham joined sometime in September at the latest. Did Buckingham intend to make himself King? Gill points out that Buckingham’s letter on September 24 says nothing about his intention of making Tudor King. Perhaps Richard was satisfied with his last meeting with Buckingham despite the quarrel, but Buckingham was not. Richard was confident enough in Buckingham to make him head up an oyer et terminal commission set up to deal with the July Conspiracy (Rosemary Horrox). Gill points out that the timing of Buckingham’s about-face coincided with rumors that the Princes were dead. She quotes contemporary sources that implicate Buckingham, as well as Richard, in their murder. She wonders whether Buckingham had a hand in it, and then turned coat, laying the murder squarely on Richard’s shoulders. She suggests that this might be why Richard took his betrayal so personally. I conclude that the rebels found out about the Princes’ death through Buckingham.
Hi Pamela,
Thanks for your response. I agree with you that the rebels learned of the princes death through Buckingham. I do not attribute their deaths to him, although that possibility cannot be totally dismissed. I am inclined to the view that Richard ordered their murder (or starvation) before he left London for his progress, and left Buckingham in London, with kingly powers, as Constable of England, etc., and holding the bag. Richard may have intended Buckingham as a “bag-holder”, as Richard was that kind of fellow.
That would explain the meeting of Buckingham and Richard and their “holy row” at Gloucester and Buckingham’s subsequent retirement to his Brecon estate, where I believe he conferred with Morton and others in hatching the uprising against Richard 3. In other words, Buckingham did not like being saddled with the blame for the deaths of the princes and determined to throw in with Richard’s enemies. For me, his moving against Richard 3 proves Buckingham’s knowledge of the prince’s deaths, for why else would he throw in with Henry Tudor, another usurper, if the princes lived?
Please note that Buckingham would have arrived at Brecon, say, August 6, having parted with Richard August 2. Seven weeks later, September 24, he sent Henry Tudor the letter directing him to invade England on October 18. This letter, bearing his instructions to Henry Tudor, proves that Buckingham was at the center of the rebellion, in my view. I believe that Buckingham had this intention when he arrived at Brecon, August 6, after his meeting with Richard. His power and resources (men, money, arms, offices, etc.) would have made Buckingham the mainspring of the movement, and it was very fast work by Buckingham, to put it all together with all parties ready, within seven weeks.
I am aware some will disagree with such an early date for the death of the princes, but Richard 3 was never one to dawdle when important work was required (as in the Woodvilles, Hastings), and getting rid of the princes must have seemed to him as important. He helped Henry Tudor more than he helped himself, however. If my view is accepted, regarding the deaths of the princes, Buckingham’s behavior can be explained.
Hi Robert. Thank you for your thoughtful and insightful comments. Your timeframe regarding the murder of the Princes coincides with the July Conspiracy, the first time we hear of any plot against King Richard. Some believe that the conspiracy moved Richard to order the Princes’ assassinations. Do you suggest that they might have been murdered even before the July Conspiracy, which is believed to have been set in motion after Richard left London on progress on July 20? You probably know that Alison Weir selects September 3rd as the date of the assassinations, since Tyrell was in London at the time. That seems rather late to me. You make a good point saying that Richard was not one to dawdle. And you present a powerful case for placing Buckingham at the center of the Rebellion, despite his unpopularity with Yorkist loyalists. After the failed July Conspiracy and its repercussions, the Yorkist loyalists were trying to regroup and expand their movement. News of the Princes’ deaths from a reliable source (Buckingham) moved the goalposts. Buckingham’s letter on September 24th presents a germ of a plan. You make a good point saying how fast it happened, which makes me wonder how long the plan was in the works. Morton was Buckingham’s prisoner, Margaret Beaufort was Buckingham’s cousin, and Margaret and Elizabeth Woodville had a middleman (Dr. Caerleon). Both Morton and Margaret supported the reinstatement of Edward V prior to word of his murder. It’s easy to understand why Margaret would support Edward — he had all those sisters. Yes, Richard smoothed Tudor’s path by killing the Princes. Not only did he give Tudor a greater prize to aim for, but he tied it to the moral outrage that was already brewing against Richard — his shock-and-awe usurpation, his murders and seizure of property without due process, his presumed murder of two young boys. It’s intriguing how you “flip the script” about who was caught “holding the bag” — Richard or Buckingham.
Hi Pamela,
I, as yourself, am interested in the workings of the conspirators and in a time-frame regarding their plotting. Concerning Buckingham, he might be seen as the most adroit, although the unluckiest of the plotters. I believe that it can be established that Buckingham was the mainspring of the whole uprising. His motivations will be revealed as self-preservation, I believe. One should never allow himself to be made into a “bag-holder”. It could prove ruinous.
Sir Thomas More’s egregious error in his first paragraph, regarding the age (to the day!) of Edward 4 at his death, I believe he intended as a wink and a nudge for the wise reader. Thomas More was an attorney, of a profession habituated to the principle of getting the facts straight, and his laughable miscue of Edward’s age must be regarded as no mistake, but rather as More signaling that his History of Richard 3 was intended for the gullible types, and was not meant for the wise reader.
I therefore wholly disregard More’s History, and consider that a wise reader will not cite More, except as something to be disbelieved.
In my view, Thomas More’s History underscores the problem concerning the reliability of any report or history, touching upon the events in question. All accounts may be seen as problematic, from the reliability standpoint, although many historians cite those sources in their attempts to puzzle their way to the answers.
In my view, the source which rates the highest marks for reliability is the report recorded by Alvaro Lopes de Chaves, in Livro de Apontamentos (1483-1489). De Chaves is described as “the private secretary to Alfonso V, King of Portugal at that time. Livro de Apontamentos translates as “Book of Notations” and the word “chronicle” has been used to describe it.
You may already be familiar with the excerpt from that Portuguese source, cited in English. I copy it here:
“… the Duke of Gloucester had in his power the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, the young sons of said king his brother, and turned them to the Duke of Buckingham, under whose custody the princes were starved to death.”
Its reliability is established through the following considerations: This information would have been sent to Alfonso V by his Ambassador to the court of Richard 3, such activity being the duty of ambassadors. The ambassador would only report what he considered to be reliable information, worthy of reporting to his sovereign. Plus, the report is contemporary to the events. It is possible that Richard 3, himself, provided this report, concerning Buckingham’s role. The Ambassador and Secretary de Chaves, both, had every motive to faithfully record what was passed to them, so the question of invention or error can be dismissed. Also, the excerpt from the “chronicle” provides the only specifics that we have, concerning the fate of the princes, these specifics being reported contemporaneous to the events described. Ergo, this report should be considered as the most reliable report that is available on the question of the fate of the princes.
This record, by Alvaro Lopes de Chaves, giving specifics on the fate of the princes, carries implications which I will present in a continuation of this.
Hi Robert,
I am enjoying your fresh perspective on this history. I might not totally agree with a dismissal of Thomas More and other sources of that time, but do agree that they have their problems. Some more than others. I appreciate your highlighting the report by Alvaro Lopes de Chaves, which gets too little attention. I will respond to your next message shortly.
Hi Pamela,
This presents my reconstruction of those events in question. We know that Buckingham remained in London, when Richard 3 left there July 21, but later caught up with Richard at Gloucester on July 31. We know that these two parted company August 2. Through our source Alvaro Lopes De Chaves, we can reasonably assume that Richard 3 intended that blame for the deaths of the princes be put squarely on Lord High Constable Buckingham.
I believe that Buckingham learned of the fate, or fate intended, of the princes after Richard’s departure from London and that he, himself, left London to catch up with Richard 3 at Gloucester, to meet with Richard 3, (and to sound and measure him. I believe that Buckingham saw the need to dissemble sooner, rather later). Buckingham may have suspected, or he may have heard, that Richard intended him to be saddled with the blame for the murder of the princes. After the meeting, Richard and Buckingham parted company, Richard continuing his progress and Lord High Constable Buckingham headed, not for London (and the tower), but for his estate at Brecon, Wales, determined to plot Richard 3’s overthrow. Buckingham seems to have effectively dissembled toward Richard, as Richard 3 showed trust in him until Buckingham summoned the Welsh levy in October.
Why would Richard shuffle the blame off on Buckingham? One obvious reason: to deflect the blame from himself. Why Buckingham? Because Richard was clever, and Lord High Constable Buckingham was a kingmaker and overmighty, and Richard knew from his own experience that such overmighty kingmakers spelled trouble for a king, as in the case of Warwick and Edward 4, Richard’s brother. With the blame shuffled off on Buckingham, Richard keeps his hands clean and Buckingham incurs the hatred of Edwardians. Now Buckingham is taken off at the knees because, at anytime, Richard can turn him over to vengeful Edwardians, or simply dismiss him without concern, knowing that Buckingham should have more enemies than friends.
Thus, with Buckingham’s motives as I have put, his behavior is explained. I believe that Buckingham, no dummy, saw through Richard’s cleverness, and realized that he must overthrow Richard 3 or else face ruin. His speed in plotting reflected a sense of urgency, and rightly so, as Richard 3 might, at anytime, receive word of his true intentions. I do not believe that Buckingham had motives of personal gain, except to preserve himself against the “razing boar”.
In his dealings with the other conspirators, Buckingham would have avowed that Richard swore that he would spare the princes but then murdered them, intending to fasten the blame on Buckingham and that, razed by the boar, Buckingham was moved to recover his honor by overthrowing Richard 3. This all makes kingmaker Buckingham a fine fellow in the eyes of those against Richard, and that Tudor fellow, what’s-his-name, gains at a stroke tremendous stature in the eyes of many Yorkists, now joined to Lancastrians.
Now, let’s see if any agree that Alvaro Lopes de Chaves had a handle on the truth.
Thank you, Robert, for a new and fascinating take on Buckingham’s about-face, Richard’s duplicity, and the murder of the Princes. I have no strong opinions on the culpability of Richard or Buckingham except my conviction that they were murdered sometime during the Summer of 1483, and that Richard was responsible. His usurpation itself was the blow that doomed them, whether he himself ordered the deaths or not.
Hi Pamela,
Thanks for your comments.
I agree that Richard 3’s usurpation of the crown, of necessity, encompassed the death of the princes. I think that Richard 3 felt much malice against the Woodville clan, and that feelings of malice explains his readiness to do away with them all. I think he later realized that such a hasty and malicious policy was a costly mistake.
Regarding the puzzle of Buckingham, I have endeavored to explain his motives, but any construction of his motives should be mostly conjectural. There is another case that may be construed, regarding Buckingham’s behavior: that he was at heart a Lancastrian, who saw the opportunity to promote the cause of Henry Tudor by aiding Richard’s usurpation. In this, Buckingham is seen as a clever and far-sighted schemer, who outwitted Richard and all the rest.
If that was the case, he was very clever, indeed, although unlucky.
Thank you for your comments, Robert. Much remains conjecture. The incentive for Richard’s usurping the throne is understandable enough, but what prompted Richard to do it is another thing. I used to think that Richard’s hatred of the Woodvilles had much to do with it, but Rivers’ request before Edward IV’s death that Richard help him with a legal matter would suggest that the acrimony only went one way. Perhaps a more devastating quarrel was the one between Rivers and Hastings. Historians are still divided as to whether Richard was a very clever dissembler, one easily manipulated by flattery, or someone in between. Richard certainly was “the toast of the town” during the Winter of 1482 and 1483, and he stayed in London long enough for the sitting of Parliament. People like the Howards might have been offended enough by the Mowbray inheritance to flatter Richard and align themselves early with him. Michael Hicks suggests that the usurpation might have been planned as early as April. I’m not totally convinced that Edward IV wasn’t murdered, but, once again, this is nothing but conjecture.
Of all the people of this period, Buckingham’s motives are the murkiest. He might have been motivated to support Richard’s usurpation out of pique for being forced to marry Katherine Woodville and for being treated like a nadir by Edward IV. As Richard’s royal-blooded ally, he had it made and might have anticipated years as Richard’s right-hand man, since he was only 28 at his death. People have suggested that Morton and Margaret Beaufort might have reminded Buckingham of his Lancastrian roots. I wonder whether you have read Francis Leary’s section on Richard III in “The Golden Longing” (Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1959). Like you, Leary thinks Buckingham was much more clever than his contemporaries gave him credit for. Leary calls Buckingham “the master Judas of his time.”
Hi Pamela,
Yes, Buckingham is the enigma. All of the other main players may be easily understood, in their acts and deeds, but not Buckingham, who was heaped with offices and their income, by Richard 3, yet he turned against Richard 3 very early in the game.
One interesting consideration: if Buckingham had really done in the princes, as reported by the Portuguese account, Henry Tudor would have all motive to suppress such news, as he was a confederate to the murderer, to benefit from the murders.
Put yourself in the shoes of Henry vii. Would you not make certain, for yourself, the fate of the princes? Henry must have, as this involved critical matters of state. Yet, Thomas More makes no mention of any such deed by Henry vii. We do have, however, a box with the incomplete bones of the princes, mixed with other bones (chicken bones, for one) and recovered from under the staircase, as put in More’s History, but not removed therefrom, however, contrary to More’s History. The question: who dug up these bones and reburied them, if not Henry vii?
Thank you for your thoughtful comments, which reminded me of Francis Leary’s take on this matter in “The Golden Longing.” Buckingham is the real mystery man of this period. Redeemed sinner or unlucky schemer? Leary says that he was much smarter than anyone gave him credit for.
Leary agrees with you on Henry’s reburying the Princes. He believes Buckingham ordered the murders, and Tyrell carried them out. He believes Tudor knew about it. Leary says that “Richard and Henry were tarred with the brush,” and “the master-Judas of his time was appropriately sold for money by one of his own creatures.” Leary’s hypothesis is intriguing, even if his prose is deep purple, and it seems to imply a late date for the murders. Like September 3rd, as Alison Weir suggested.
I agree with you that Henry had every reason to suppress the murders, and perhaps this is what the quarrel (if indeed there was one) between Henry and Elizabeth Woodville was about (as dramatically portrayed in “The Shadow of the Tower,” with James Maxwell playing Henry VII). Elizabeth might have wanted a full investigation, and that was something Tudor wouldn’t give her, for good reason. He had nothing to gain from it. It would just remind people that he was the (as Christine Carpenter puts it) “the second-best substitute for Edward IV’s dead sons.” As it turned out, Tudor didn’t have to be guilty of the deaths of the Princes to be the major beneficiary of it. HE was the lucky one!
Hi Pamela,
My thoughts are echoed in your comment. Let’s take the case of Tyrrell. This man was a close follower of Richard 3. Thomas More has him murdering the 2 princes, yet Henry 7 made him governor of Calais, an important position. If Tyrrell indeed murdered the two princes, he did Henry Tudor a valuable service. It is all a puzzle. Only one thing is certain, that Henry Tudor stepped surely over difficult ground and won the prize. I think he got away with it, ha ha.
Tyrell is certainly a fly in the ointment. Early in 1485, Richard made him government of Guisnes, and I don’t think he fought at Bosworth. So, Richard initially sent him out of the country, and Henry kept him there. It appears that Tyrell was a danger or an embarrassment to both Richard and Henry. Henry didn’t deal directly with the matter of the deaths of the Princes until the Warbeck imposture forced him to say something, years after the fact (more proof against the contention that Warbeck was who he said he was). I can’t see anyone as careful as Henry not doing a furtive investigation into the matter of the Princes once he became King, but he didn’t want to talk about the Princes any more than Richard did. All Henry did was insinuate until Tyrell was executed and he got his confession. Easy to assume Tyrell had a hand in it. Since he was sent to London in early September on an errand for Richard, Weir suggests September 3 as the date of their murder. The importance of the Princes forced Richard and Henry to bury their memory. Political secrets stay secret for generations, and remain dangerous for decades. I don’t think Henry had anything to do with the deaths of the Princes, but he certainly wasn’t innocent either. Yes, Henry should be dubbed the luckiest king of England.
Hi Pamela,
as I reflect, Buckingham ever more seems central to the events. Would Richard 3 have seized the crown if not encouraged by Buckingham? I see Buckingham’s support as essential to Richards acts and deeds, a king-maker indeed, who then tried to pull the rug from under Richards feet, and perhaps would have except for bad luck.
The next question, was it feasible for Buckingham to achieve a co-ordinated uprising within only seven weeks? It does not seem likely. All communications would be through messengers, some traveling to and fro across the Channel of England, dependent on the availability of shipping, weather, etc. This raises the question of when Buckingham determined to undo Richard. Alas for the blanks in the record, which if filled, we might see one of the most sublime of schemers of history.
Thanks for your comments, Robert.
Buckingham wasn’t the only schemer. Resistance to Richard began right after his usurpation, as evidenced by the abortive uprising in London at the end of July. Elizabeth Woodville would naturally be working to reinstate her son, and Henry’s mother Margaret Beaufort was communicating with her through her physician. Richard warned Margaret’s husband Thomas Stanley to curb her political activism, but Stanley wasn’t totally unsympathetic. Other Yorkist loyalists of lesser renown were also involved in conspiracy against Richard.
However, I agree that the rebellion quickly came together with a plan after Buckingham joined the resistance. Perhaps his revelation about the Princes (if he was the source) and his stature as a duke might have helped to give the resistance a wider range of participation despite his reputed unpopularity.
I think there were people besides Buckingham who encouraged Richard to usurp the throne. The Howard family, for example, who felt cheated out of the Mowbray inheritance that had been given to Edward IV’s younger son. Little Richard and little Anne Mowbray were respectively 4 1/2 and 6 years old when they were married in a splended ceremony on January 15, 1478. After the little girl died in 1481, little Richard retained her inheritance, although the Howards were kin to the Mowbrays. Two days after he was declared King, Richard gave the Howards what they wanted. When Henry became King, Thomas Howard insinuated himself to him and kept his titles.
Buckingham was essential to Richard’s usurpation because he too was royal blooded. His presence made Richard’s coup at Northampton/Stony Stratford more plausible to the moderates on the King’s Council. He was the one who pushed Richard’s claim on the assembly of confused and alarmed MPs and magnates in London on June 25 and June 26. And he was a prominent presence at Richard’s coronation. Richard trusted him enough to make him constable of England.
Hi Pamela, thanks for your comment
You are well informed on the history of the era. There is a question, concerning Sir Thomas More, that perhaps you can answer: when was he first admitted to the privy council?
I copy Encyclopedia Britannica concerning that:
“It was not long before he attracted the attention of the young king and of Wolsey. The spirit with which he pleaded before the Star Chamber in a case of The Crown v. The Pope recommended him to the royal favour, and marked him out for employment. More obtained in this case judgment against the Crown. Henry, who was present in person at the trial, had the good sense not to resent the defeat, but took the counsel to whose advocacy it was due into his service. In 1514 More was made Master of the Requests, knighted, and sworn a member of the privy council. ”
This says that More had favorably impressed the young King Henry 8 and so was drafted into the privy council in 1514. Yet other sources say that date is incorrect, and that 1518 was the date. The above excerpt gives good support to the 1514 date.
Have you made any determinations on this?
My interest lies in the fact that More started writing his History at about this time, and I do not believe that he wrote his History simply to amuse himself.
By the way, the picture of the kid and the bike is not mine, and I have never seen it before. Some glitch got the ### thing posted next to my name, who knows how. Can it be undone?
Thanks for your comments, Robert. I’ve been interested in this period of history for decades now, and went full circle, from traditionalist to Ricardian to traditionalist again.
Richard Marous’ biography of Thomas More provides some enlightenment. Thomas More’s father John (born around 1451) preceded his son in a successful career as a lawyer and judge. He was an admirer of Edward IV, and paid for masses for his soul. Not so much an admirer of Henry VII, since Thomas spoke publicly against Henry VII’s taxation, and his father was slapped in the Tower until he could pay a fine for restitution. Apparently, Thomas’ acquaintance with the prince who later became Henry VIII began early. Marous states that when Erasmus visited England for the first time in 1499, Thomas took him to Eltham Palace to meet the royal children, and they stayed for dinner. When Henry VII died, Thomas wrote poems for the new king’s coronation that rejoiced over the father’s demise and the son’s succession.
According to Marous, Henry VIII kept Thomas busy, but Thomas didn’t really make a splash until he assisted in quelling the riots on so-called Evil May Day 1517. Shortly after, More was made a member of the King’s Council.
At that time, More’s history was only one of several unpublished works. As a writer myself, I can say that writers might begin a project to amuse themselves, but eventually they’ll want to share it with others and maximize its coverage. Someone, perhaps Paul Murray Kendall, pointed out that More’s manuscript ends just about at the point where he has to introduce Tudor into the narrative.
I think it’s reasonable to assume that More’s intended audience might have included Henry VIII and others. More had plenty of people who could have helped him form the narrative, including his own father. To me, the error of Edward IV’s age and the blanks throughout just demonstrate that the manuscript was still in progress.
I understand that Gravatar works with WordPress, and occasional glitches occur. My webmaster points out that the comment with kid on the bike appears under a different email address and URL. Unless you submitted the comment using a different email, my guess is that this is a Gravatar glitch.
Hi Pamela,
it is always good to get your insights.
Master of Requests is, or was, a crown office, and so maybe some historians assumed that, being awarded that office, More was enlisted as a member of the privy council.
I have to believe that More wrote his History with a careful eye toward what was politic and so obligatory. For example, his title “History of Richard III” permitted him to present a cartoonish image of Richard III as the evil villain, yet provide scope for a history of those times. As you pointed out, the history stops just before Henry Tudor enters the picture. Maybe this was his discretion, as hinted.
Hi Robert. Thanks for your comments.
I don’t concern myself too much with More’s “History” because he never finished it or published it. Others did that for him after his death. According to Alison Hanham (Richard III and His Early Historians), he left many works in draft. As a writer myself, I wouldn’t like it if someone published my unfinished works without knowing my intent for them. More was not the first person to present Richard as a cartoonish villain. More, John Rous, and others were using Richard as a device for melodrama or as a means to gild the Tudor Rose. Richard was easy prey because of his station, and because, unlike the Howards, he had no family in a position to defend him. The transformation of Richard from a human being to an inhuman monster is a crime against history, and the Ricardians’ greatest contribution has been their effort to give Richard the humanity that every person deserves, whether they are a villain, a hero, or someone in between. The problem is that the Ricardians have pushed their efforts to the other extreme, developing a cult of personality around Richard, as if they know Richard better than his contemporaries did. There is no doubt that Richard died an unpopular figure. People can manage to ruin their own reputations by the bad actions they commit, and such was the case for Richard. Although it is difficult to determine whether he was manipulated and goaded, or whether he cleverly connived to acquire power ruthlessly and unjustly.
John Rous, a contemporary of Richard, was a Warwickshire priest with an attachment to the Neville family who died before 1492. His “History” was published in 1716. There are so few contemporary records preserved from Yorkist times that every one gets critical attention, whether it’s deserved or not. Hanham describes Rous’ account as suggesting “the fullness of malice.” The account is a “ragtag of gleanings” that have made their way into the folklore and narrative of the period. Rous stresses Buckingham’s influence over the events of Spring/Summer 1483. Rous claims that Richard lay in his mother’s womb for two years and was born with teeth and hair down to his shoulders. He said he was “like a scorpion” who poisoned his wife, locked up his mother-in-law, and contributed to the death of Henry VI (among Richard’s other crimes). He describes Richard as “small and short of face, with unequal shoulders.” Rous calls Richard an Anti-Christ.
Then there’s the poem “Ode to Bosworth Field” by the Welsh poet Dafydd Llwyd ap Llewelyn ap Griffid of Malthafarn (1486): “The sad lipped Saracen… the little caterpillar of London, a servile Boar wrought penance upon Edward’s sons in prison. Shame on the sad lipped Saracen that he slew Christ’s angels. He slew without favor of the Bench his two young nephews. But the miracles of St. Nun, he caused disgrace, the bravery of cruel Herod (who ended his life as) a dog slain in a ditch” — Not the only one to compare Richard to King Herod and the slaying of the Innocents.
These words provoke extravagant images. Many other contemporaries expressed their disfavor with Richard in less colorful language.
Hi Pamela,
As always, it is good to have your comments. The bones of Richard reveal his spinal deformity. I once saw a man playing volley ball with his shirt off and with the same type of deformity, a grotesquely disfigured upper back, and a marvel to behold. He was tall. I was amazed that he played volleyball with no sign of a disability, leaping high to swat the ball or bending low to retrieve it from the ground. Seeing the spine so malformed, one would conclude that such a deformity would disable, but no.
I am of the opinion that, although a failure as an uncle, Richard would have been a good king. In his short reign, he made badly needed reforms to English common law, so I understand. Of course, Richard, the usurper, was no innocent victim. Some justification may be put for his usurpation, more than for that of his successor, imo, but winning a battle remedies a lot of faults. Richard lost while Henry Tudor wisely based his claims to the throne as by right of conquest..argument closed!
Thanks Robert.
I consider Richard’s deformity no big deal, as it never stopped him from doing anything. It just became an exaggeration when people started to hate him. Yes, Richard had potential to be a good King. So did Edward V.
Edward V, the unluckiest King of England; Henry VII, the luckiest. That Tudor luck! The posthumous child had a devoted uncle in Jasper Tudor (unlike Edward V) and a politically astute mother in Margaret Beaufort who devoted her life to his interests. Jasper snatched him out of England and into exile at the age of 14 in 1471 when Edward IV regained the throne, so no one in England knew anything about him. In 1483, Tudor was so unknown in England at age 26 that he could be packaged as the perfect knight. He must have been a very plausible personality to the 500 Yorkist loyalists who were in exile with him, because they supported his kingship on the strength of his Christmas Day promise to marry the daughter of Edward IV and “rule with her” (Croyland Chronicles’ spin) when Richard was defeated.
Richard was the opposite of Henry; everybody knew him. I disagree with you as to which usurpation was the more justified. Richard’s usupration signaled a moral failing on his part. Henry never made a vow to support Edward V, while Richard made one several times, beginning when Edward was a baby and Richard was appointed one of the administrators of his affairs. Some people might not care whether someone breaks a vow, but obviously the Yorkist loyalists cared because 40% of the southern officeholders rebelled against Richard, were attainted or went into exile. Richard had to replace them with men from the North which was extremely unpopular.
If I knew of a man who had been designated to protect his brother’s children but instead screwed them out of their inheritance, I would recognize his turpitude and I wouldn’t trust him or have busines with him, regardless of his rationalization for doing so. On the other hand, Henry was the squeaky-clean unknown — better the devil you don’t know than the devil you do.
But it’s not just a matter of Richard’s destroying his brother’s children. In his powerlust, he destroyed Edward’s strongest supporters, took their lives, liberty, and property without due process, and denied Edward V due process as well. He divided the Yorkist party and destroyed the dynasty. He turned when might have been a peaceful succession into bloody chaos becauses he didn’t have the moral courage to deal with the issues that were bound to come when dealing with a headstrong adolescent and a splintered court. He destroyed the institutions and conventions that the English expected in a time of peace.
Even then, England was exceptionally free because of the concept of government by popular consent (at least in theory). After acknowledging that Edward’s sons were dead, the Yorkist loyalists had every right to turn against Richard and select another candidate as King. That Henry was a clever opportunist who would oppress his wife and her Yorkist kin and rule the kingship as a paranoid despot was something they didn’t bargain for.
Hi Pamela,
Your comments are always interesting and informative. Henry Tudor paranoid! – that I can believe, ha ha. Those times would make any king paranoid, with the ever-shifting loyalties of the nobility. And, no, one should never put his faith in princes.
Henry Tudor owed nothing to Richard III or Edward v, neither, and perhaps his gaining the throne should not be termed as “usurpation”, as I put. Richard’s certainly was that. But with Tudor, it was not a question of law or tradition, but of a faction claiming the throne and Henry Tudor winning on the last cast of the die, lucky fellow that he was.
Yes, Richard swore fealty to Edward v, and he may be called a profound dissembler or viewed as a treacherous snake. Thus affairs of state. I think Richard must have resented the Queen and her relatives, and mistrusted them, to the point of hatred. I think many of the established nobility felt the same. Richard would have dissembled the whole while, toward the Queen and her party. The ultimate blame is due to Edward IV, imo, as he behaved in a most foolish and self-indulgent manner, as a young man. Many saw his union with Elizabeth Grey as the mistake of a foolish, callow youth. I do not doubt that this union led to the troubles of his reign, starting with Warwick’s turnabout and ending with the extermination of the “broomweed” dynasty.
One of those tortured by Richard III was Sir Robert Wyatt, grandfather of Sir Thomas Wyatt the Younger, of Wyatt’s Rebellion. The account put that “the tyrant found it in his heart to rack” the goodly Wyatt while he was imprisoned in the tower. “You must swear that I am your master” Richard demanded, as Wyatt responded “I cannot, for Henry Tudor is my master”. Ha ha. The account goes on to say that Wyatt befriended a cat that brought him pigeons to eat, through the window of his cell, and so he survived the cruel tyrant. I love history.
Hi Robert. Thanks for your enlightening comments.
Yes, you echo Lord Mountjoy’s warning to his sons not to get to close to princes; it was a dangerous position to be in.
I agree with your comments about Henry Tudor. He was just LUCKY!
Talking again about Edward V’s ill luck: Many of his strongest supporters hated each other. The quarrel between Hastings and Rivers was just months old when Edward IV died. More’s deathbed scene with Edward IV trying to reconsile Hastings and the Woodvilles for his children’s sake seems plausible enough.
If Richard hated the Woodvilles, he did a good job hiding it except around the time of George of Clarence’s fall. However, I think blaming the Woodvilles for Richard’s usurpation is rationalizaton, because their power evaporated on April 29-May 1, 1483. In actuality, their power always did reside in Edward IV, and crumbled when he died. The only advantage the Woodvilles had was their influence over the royal children. But the royal children didn’t have to be destroyed in order to sideline the Woodvilles.
If Richard was sincere in his support of Edward V, he handled the coup of April 29-30 in a ham-fisted manner. Elizabeth Jenkins might excuse him as a soldier, but that says little about his ability to deal with people, and that is a critical skill for a Protector. IMO, Hastings would have been a better choice, but neither Richard nor the Woodvilles would have accepted that.
By Edward’s second reign, the Woodvilles had blended into the body politic, but that didn’t mean that the nobility and moderates wanted them running the country. Even the Croyland Chronicler says that the “more prudent” members of Council thought that the young king should be kept from his “uterine uncles and brothers.” The Woodvilles could have been allowed to keep property and titles, and honored as the King’s kinsmen, while being denied real power. That might have been a bitter pill for young Edward to accept, but it would have been just another step in his growing up from schoolboy to administrator. Richard’s mistreatment of the Woodvilles just made them more plausible and sympathetic.
Yes, the marriage between Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville was seemingly unequal, but he could have done worse. He could have married a tanner’s daughter like the mother of the patriarch William I. I can’t help but wonder whether the marriage would have been more acceptable had Elizabeth’s father been the Luxembourg prince and Jacquetta the English gentlewoman instead of the other way around. Croyland thinks it was the marriage of Margaret of York to Charles the Bold that alienated Warwick, but Scofield indicates that Warwick left the room whenever Richard Woodville entered, so I think the Burgundian marriage was just more fuel for the fire.
I should say Henry Wyatt, not Robert.
Thanks for the story about Henry Wyatt, Robert. I had never heard it before, but it is a wonderful legend. I, too, love history. How can fiction be stranger?
Hi Pamela,
Henry Wyatt survived to get his portrait painted by the master — Hans Holbein, the younger. That portrait was copied by another artist who added a cell window and a cat dragging a pigeon through the window. It was said that Henry Wyatt was partial to cats ha ha.
Yes, history surpasses fiction in all ways, including strangeness, as you put. What could be stranger than the case of false, fleeting, perjured Clarence, his puzzling kidnap and judicial murder of Annette Tywnho, the sequel to that and his fate in a butt of Malmsey! The whole episode is intriguing.
I think Richard III long mistrusted the Woodvilles, and that the fate of his brother Clarence was central to his feelings toward them. The Woodville party may have sensed this. There are currents in such affairs that are palpable to the main actors, unperceiveable by others.
The sense that I get is that Richard, Buckingham, Hastings, and their party believed that they must strike first, lest the Woodvilles gain the upper hand. I do not consider myself able to judge the situation, at this distance, whether or not they had any cause to “pre-empt” the Woodville party. The Woodvilles 2,000 man force may have alarmed their rivals. It is certain that the Woodvilles were caught unawares, poor devils.
It was reported that, at Stoney Stratford, Edward v wept upon Richard telling him about his uncle’s arrest. This twelve year old realized that the end was nigh for him and his own, so we may assume that the frail position of the Woodville party was fully appreciated by this youngster. This tells much about the tenseness of the situation, and that young Edward v had been tutored, no doubt, concerning who were the good guys and who were the bad guys, Edward iv’s deathbed attempts at healing notwithstanding.
I do not believe that Richard iii ever intended that Edward v should reign. This divided him from Hastings and so Richard resorted to the ax to demonstrate his power and his resolve to do away with any opposition, a sort of terror tactic. Catsby betrayed his master Hastings, Hasting having revealed himself to Catsby as determined to resist Richard and thus the flavor of the times. We recoil from such brutality, as shown by Richard in his beheading Hastings on the spot.
The mother of Wm the Conquerer makes your point and another fine tale, tanner’s daughter that she was. It is said that her father awoke the next morning to an emissary sent by her abductor, bringing valuable gifts, lucky father of a charming young lady ha ha!
Thanks for the story about Henry Wyatt. Too bad they didn’t have Holbein during Yorkist times, because the portraits are awful.
George didn’t need the Woodvilles to make him behave like a jerk because it just came naturally. So, I don’t know why Richard would blame them. If George had been anybody else, Edward would have offed him long before. George was never very stable, but the death of his wife unhinged him. He was consumed by envy of Edward IV, and his fight with Richard demonstrates that both of them were grasping. Margaret Beauchamp, Warwick’s widow, was left beholden to them, and it was mostly her family’s property to begin with. George wasn’t even 30 when he died, but his career was one of cupidity, malice, and disloyalty.
The Woodvilles were unpopular with the nobility because there were so many of them. The Queen, whose main interest was aggrandizing her family and protecting her children, made sure that they married into the best families in England, which narrowed the marriage field for everyone else. But the Queen Consort of England rarely gets a break. If she’s a foreigner, they dislike her for being a foreigner. If she’s English, they dislike her because she is one of their own. Sort of like Jesus preaching in Nazareth, I suppose.
It’s clear the Queen was in the driver’s seat in Council immediately after Edward died, but that didn’t last. She lost the argument about the size of the escort, but the moderates still didn’t like the idea of Rivers coming to London with the King and a small army. Hastings was particularly nervous because he and Rivers had recently quarrelled. According to Mancini, Hastings was glad that the coup at Northampton/Stony Stratford had resulted in no bloodshed, which suggests that all he was looking for was removing the King from Rivers’ control and shutting down the Woodvilles.
Someone reminded me that a 2,000-man escort could not be easily accommdated in one town, and that St. George Day celebrations might still be going on in the villages. The King’s escort left Ludlow on April 24, over a week after hearing about Edward’s death. The coronation was originally scheduled for May 4, which seems like hurrying things along. However, the innocence of young Edward’s household lies in the rapidity with which they were outmaneuvered and captured. If Rivers had malicious intent, there would be evidence of a counteraction. Rivers would have rushed the King to London and been a no-show at the appointment with Richard and Buckingham at Northhampton on April 29.
The coup at Stony Stratford was a tragedy for Edward V. Not only did he lose his maternal uncle, but his half-brother, and chamberlain Thomas Vaughan. Vaughan was not a Woodville toady, but a Yorkist stalwart since the 1450s. Young Edward also lost his tutor Robert Alcock and the familiar faces that Richard and Buckingham replaced with their own. Edward knew that the world as he knew it was over. He had been the center of the household at Ludlow, and he knew these men, their foibles, and how to get around them. All of a sudden, someone to whom he hadn’t spoken 20 words all his life was calling the shots.
There is no evidence that the Woodvilles had poisoned young Edward’s mind against Richard. Obviously, whatever opinion Edward had of Richard soured after the arrest of his household officers, the dismissal of his escort, and the flight of his family into sanctuary. Edward knew he was a captive because he told his doctor that Richard and Buckingham took turns watching him because they thought he might escape (Mancini). Before the coup, Edward and Richard had encountered each other on state occasions, but probably said little to each other. Why would they talk at length? We have only one instance I know of where Edward and Richard exchanged words before April 1483. During the banquet held in the Prince’s honor at Westminster in November 1477, the 7-yeaer-old thanked his uncle for pledging his fealty “so humbly.”
I’m inclined to agree with you that Richard never intended to let Edward rule. I think the usurpation was planned in advance when Richard was in London for Christmas and the sitting of Parliament in Winter 1482/1483. I don’t think the Howards have gotten the blame they deserve for helping to orchestrate the usurpation. The timing of Edward’s death was perfect for the usurper. Althought Edward’s heir was a very promising 12-year-old, he was still a schoolboy. To wait longer was to give young Edward fledging time. This suggests that Edward IV was murdered. He certainly didn’t appear to be a sick man when he was running around preparing for war during the early months of 1483.
Hi Pamela,
thanks for your comments.
My point of course being that there were two parties: the Woodvilles and their supporters were one, the other party were those who despised and mistrusted them. Also, it is difficult to measure the degree of animosity, as all would have been careful not to reveal their hand too openly. Surely, however, the Woodvilles knew that feelings of animosity were borne by others toward them. I do not doubt that Clarence was one who bore such feelings.
Following the death of Edward IV, those who hated the Woodvilles showed their hand. The Woodville party no doubt understood Richard’s intentions when he arrested Lord Rivers and his kindred. The Queen understood, she sought sanctuary immediately. Edward v understood; he wept. The others of the Woodville party understood. I do not put blame on the Woodvilles in pursuing their interests, not on the other party. In fact, the moral censure of historical figures is not the best way of presenting history, imo. People act according to their interests, or as they see them.
Richard acted with the support of others in the nobility. Thus the anti-Woodville party devoured the Woodvilles, who would have been justified if they themselves had prepared their own measures against such a fate. In retrospect, Lord Rivers might be viewed as faultworthy, in that he separated from the 2,000 man escort of his nephew, giving the opening to Richard and Buckingham. We may say that his naivete led to the downfall of the Woodvilles. The anti-Woodville party may be explained as engaging in pre-emptive acts which, by their lights, were needful to their well-being, it being easy to ascribe evil motives to those that you hate.
It is my belief that Edward IV executed his brother Clarence at the urging of the Woodvilles, who would have regarded Clarence as their enemy. That Clarence was a jerk was little cause to drown him. I have read that Clarence challenged the legitimacy of Edward’s offspring, and that may be the real cause. Reportedly, Edward IV hesitated before executing Clarence, and then afterward ever lamented that execution. The Queen would never have allowed Edward IV to forget that Clarence meant to supplant him as king, in joining with Warwick. The whole Warwick fracas, of course, was due to Edward’s marriage to the his queen. All of the actors acted on their own judgement and perceived interests, except Edward IV. That fellow acted on impulse and he should have been provided a concubine, imo, to keep him out of trouble haha. I, myself, have no preference for one party over the other.
I take that back. If Richard III had won at Bosworth, Henry viii would be lost to history, what an awful thought!
Thanks, Robert.
I agree that the nobility, Hastings, and the moderates wanted the Woodvilles sidelined — at least politically but not permanently. Interesting that a woman and a boy grasped early what others didn’t following the coup at Northampton/Stony Stratford. In Micheal Hicks’ book “Edward IV — Reputations,” he writes “What Edward failed to realize was the untrustworthiness and cunning of his brother, which nobody else perceived either. Or perhaps the Queen did. The moment Gloucester staged his first coup, she presumed his intention was usurpation and was not dissuaded thereafter, unlike almost everyone else, who thought her conduct irrational. (227)” Perhaps Edward IV DID perceive, but Richard was his only living brother and the second-most powerful person in the kingdom. Edward could hardly expect Richard to play second fiddle to anyone else he might select as Protector.
I would say most historians present history as moral drama. Most of us seek heroes and villains in order to make sense of the past. Hicks begins his book on Edward IV by explaining how early historians argued as to whether Edward was “saved,” as if a historical figure’s soul was theirs to judge.
Rivers’ splitting from the escort to meet his appointment with Richard and Buckingham would be really stupid if he were guilty. It’s more proof that he had no intention of confronting them militarily. In a book about Richard III, Hicks muses that neither Rivers nor Hastings was politically naive, but walked into Richard’s trap not expecting an ambush.
George was even more unstable after his wife’s death. Besides the illegal “trial” and execution of Annette Tywnho, he tried to circumvent Edward to arrange a foreign marriage for himself, and had horoscopes made of Edward and his son. He was tried in Parliament and allowed to defend himself. It is likely that Edward and Elizabeth pushed for the verdict they wanted, but it was Parliament that sentenced him.
Considering the difficulty Henry VIII had when he went to the Church to annul his first marriage, I am confident that any information George might have had regarding Edward’s marriage would be embarrassing but would not result in an annulment by the Church. According to canon law, “Marriage possesses the favor of the law; therefore, in a case of doubt, the validity of the marriage must be upheld until the contrary is proven.” The Church has a procedure for dealing with the sacrament, and it has nothing to do with the popularity of the marriage or what a group of self-interested laymen and compromised priests think of it. I doubt that the Church would invalidate a marriage that had been recognized by Christendom for 13 years in 1477, and 19 years in 1483. The time to investigate the validity of the marriage was 1464-1465, not 1477. Warwick and many others would have welcomed the opportunity, and Eleanor Butler, the woman in question, never came forward, nor did her Talbot kin.
When Edward married Elizabeth, he knew it would anger his elders, which was why he did it in secret and kept it hidden for months. A love match is a beautiful thing, but can a king afford it?
thank you for your comments Pamela,
Yes, truly, many who trusted Gloucester should not have, including his brother Edward. Earl Rivers should not have. Hastings should not have. Thomas More (I think) said Richard made friendships readily, but would “spoil and pill’ those friendships. Hastings trusted Wm Catesby, who turned out to be Gloucester’s man. Richard III trusted Buckingham and.. whoops!
Whom to trust? that was a big problem. The Woodvilles no doubt sensed the disdain felt toward them. King Edward raised them up, to the malicious envy of many who wished them thrown down. The hostility of the king’s brother Clarence would be a source of anxiety for them. Then there was Bishop Stillington, who was saying awful things. Also, the powerful Lord Hastings had good cause to resent he Woodville clan. Such a position to be in, the Woodvilles!
The murderer of Earl Rivers, Lord Northumberland, had the grace to give Rivers notice of his death, and allowed him to write a will. The will reportedly named William Catesby as an executor. Catesby was Hastings man. Rivers also requested that Richard of Gloucester should see the will proved. Thus the futile attempts of a doomed man to summon good faith from those who were glad to see him murdered.
As for Clarence, he never lived down his betrayal of Edward 4, when he joined to Warwick and aimed to supplant Edward as king. Who could forget that? A family quarrel turned most ugly, and would-be king Clarence got sour looks thereafter. I think that unhinged him and clouded his judgement. If he impugned the legitimacy of Edward’s offspring, he was suicidal.
Edward was the sole prosecutor in Clarence’s attainder trial, and Clarence defended himself, so we are told. Parliament voted with the king. Imagine, a king demanding attainment of his brother, what a time that was.
The claim of Bishop Stillington of a pre-contract is deprecated by those who say it is not well documented. But what, pray tell, is well documented from that era? If Stillington came forth with such a report, it could only be because he hated the Woodvilles, otherwise he would have, and should have, kept his mouth shut. If Stillington made such a claim, it could only have been for the purpose of overthrowing the Woodvilles and their royal brood. Stillington wound up on the wrong side of Henry Tudor, dying in prison.
Jane Shore had her marriage annulled, we are told. She presented her case to three Bishops, it is reported. She claimed impotency in her husband, Shore. Now what is an impotent man doing, taking a wife? I think that here we see the influence of Edward vi, as a mere commoner could not have gotten so far with such a claim or request. One must have some stroke for that. And why was she thereafter known as Shore’s Wife? My point being that marriages were then undone according to who you know. Henry the viii could not get the pope to act for him, as the pope was prisoner of the Hapsburg monarch, who would not permit the pope to rid Henry viii of Catarina of Castille. In other words, it was a matter of international politics. Henry had to take matters into his own hands. Don’t you just love history.
Thank you, Robert. I enjoy your insightful and erudite comments.
Ambitious people who long for power and wealth fight in an arena where there are rules to be ignored, because the motivation is hardly altuistic. There is little correlation between ambition and abililty, and less between ambition and trustworthiness. Humans want to believe their leaders are better people than they are, which I guess is one reason why historians can’t resist looking for heroes and villains. And why humans have been fooled by charlatans-in-office throughout history.
The Woodvilles were nouveau riche, which meant that they were disliked as upstarts by old blood, and disliked as opportunists by their peers. A few generations before, the Nevilles had been in the same social position — a large family on the make that made good marriages and acquired power, territory, and titles with time. Change of this sort is not welcome by those benefiting from the status quo.
Rivers was the most talented and versatile of the Woodville men. Richard Grey was young, in his early or mid-20s. Thomas Vaughan had been a Yorkist stalwart since at least the 1450s. He is named in the same attainder naming Richard, Duke of York; Edward, Earl of March; and Edmund, Earl of Rutland, in 1459. He risked his life on Edward IV’s account early in his reign. What Michael Hicks asks in his bio of Richard III is why would Northumberland and Ratcliffe murder these former household officers of Edward V unless they knew that Edward wouldn’t be King much longer.
You make an interesting point about George. After betraying Edward IV, he discovered he was still supplanted by Edward of Lancaster. So, what did he gain by his betrayal other than a wife? The brothers’ female kin smoothed the waters so that George changed side. However, once Edward was restored, George and Richard began fighting over the Neville girls and their inheritance, giving Edward no peace. Croyland says that all three brothers “were possessed of such surpassing talents that, if they had been able to live without dissensions, such a threefold cord could never have been broken.”
Stillington was a member of council and keeper of the privy seal during Edward’s first reign. If he knew anything negative about the marriage at that time, that would have been the best time to divulge it. Once Elizabeth started validating the marriage by having a child every eighteen months from 1466 through 1480, he should have kept his mouth shut. The Catholic church was and is big on the concept of MARRIAGE + SEX = CHILDREN, so poor impotent Will Shore didn’t have a chance. The enemies of Edward’s and Elizabeth’s marriage wouldn’t have to worry about angering Elizabeth’s powerful foreign kin as Henry VIII had to worry about Catherine of Aragon’s kin; Elizabeth’s Luxembourg relatives were indifferent, since her mother Jacquetta had committed the ‘sin’ of marrying below her class.
Catarina of Aragon, that is
So I have already found two errors in this timeline which made me stop reading the rest.
The first is the statement that Titulus Regius noted Edward IV’s illegitimacy inferring that Cecily Neville had committed adultery in his procreation. This is false. The only illegitimacy of birth that this Act addresses is that of Edward IV’s children with Elizabeth Woodville due to his pre-contract with Eleanor Talbot (nee Butler).
The second is that Rivers named Catesby and Russell when in fact it was Richard III that was named as the executor of his will.
Up until the point of this timeline I also noted the increasing bias towards Richard III. That combined with the above was enough for me to stop taking this seriously.
I would truly love to read something one day with simply noted facts that include any noted bias and political influence along with proven errors noted when quoting a contemporary source (not post contemporary as that is simply gossip and propaganda in my opinion) and facts from the surviving contemporary records and any references those records note or make.
Otherwise materials like this are nothing more than rumours and juicy gossip and should be treated as that.
I’ve noted your comments, but I suggest you read the following passage again because you have totally misconstrued it. I wrote: “In 1484, when the Act ‘Titulus Regius’ was passed, Richard allowed the allegations of bastardy to be INDIRECTLY leveled again, having himself described as ‘the undoubted son of the Duke of York.'” Note that the operative word in this sentence is INDIRECTLY. By allowing himself to be called “the undoubted son,” Richard and his Parliament INFERRED that there might be some sons who weren’t. I never claimed that the Titulus Regius involved Edward’s paternity; that is what you erroneously read into it.
Furthermore, Rivers named the following people as the executors of his will: Russell, the bishop of Lincoln; Alcock, the bishop of Worcester; Husy, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench; Bryan, Chief Judge of the Commonplace; William Tunstall, Robert Poynz, Richard Haute, William Catesby, Andrew Dymmok, and Thomas Thorysby. This is directly from Rivers’ will which was printed in full by Susan Higginbotham in her book “The Woodvilles,” and collaborated by Paul Murray Kendall who cites Excerpta Historia, London, 1831, as his source in his bio of Richard III. Rivers did have a place for Richard in his will. I modernize the language here, but I encourage you to look it up for yourself if you don’t believe me. Rivers writes: “Over this, I humbly beseech my lord of Gloucester in the Worship of Christ’s passion and for the merit and welfare of his soul to comfort, help, and assist as supervisors for the very trust of this testament that my executors may with his pleasure fulfill this my Last Will which I have made the day abovesaid.”
Ricardians might disagree with you about my so-called Ricardian bias.
So, by all means, stop reading. That is your perogative. It’s my perogative too that I no longer entertain your comments. I don’t claim to know everything, and I am not perfect. However, I do know that it is far easier to criticize other people’s content than to create one’s own content and stand by it.
Hi Pamela, thanks for your compliments.
That is a good point, that you cited from Hicks, that Northumberland seemed to have little fear of a mature and retributive King Edward V, as a possibility. I think that Edward V’s fate was clear at this time, that is, that the Protector must continue his murderous course. Gloucester would have been sure of his man Percy, Earl of Northumberland, that he would put an end to Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan. Yet at Bosworth, the Earl held his force in the rear of the battle, and never participated in that struggle. The victor Henry Tudor imprisoned Percy in the tower, but released him after a few months. No doubt Percy swore that he never intended to resist Henry Tudor. Some think that Percy’s behavior at Bosworth was unintentional, rather than otherwise, but I do not. Gloucester had problems with the loyalty of his followers, it seems.
I see Stillington as one who turned against Edward IV. The reason why is unknown, I think, but the Bishop was the source of all the questions about the “legitimacy” of Edward’s marriage, and he must have known that he was undermining the throne with his account of Lady Talbot and hot-to-trot Edward IV.
Clarence’s problem is that he thought that he was going to be king. It is hard to climb down from such fancy, and everything that followed would be only bitter pills for Clarence. He picked a quarrel with Gloucester over division of the Neville estate, but this was mostly a matter of precedence and prestige, Clarence vs his younger brother Gloucester. Clarence had little influence in the kingdom, and won no personal victories, but was duped by Warwick into treachery against his brothers, only to have the rug pulled from under his feet and suffer in the personal regard of his family, Edward IV, Gloucester, and therefore in the regard of other notables of the realm. I do not see much talent in Clarence, myself. I agree that the brotherly divisions among the last of the broomweeds contributed to the extinction of that line. Clarence and Gloucester would have agreed on the question of Edward’s offspring, whether illegitimate or not, so perhaps these two had found a common cause by the time of Clarence’s “malmsey” event.
Well done, Robert!
Thank you!
Once Gloucester executed Hastings and arrested a host of other supporters of Edward V, there was no going back. Imprisonment is temporary, and everyone could have moved forward if Edward’s household officers would have been released, but the ambush and exeution of the King’s chamberlain without due process was a bridge too far.
There are hints prior to April 30 that might infer what Gloucester was going to do. We have More’s story about the lawyer Potter’s prediction right after Edward IV’s death that Gloucester would take the throne. Richard attended Edward’s 1482 Christmas celebrationn at Westminster and stayed throughout the sitting of Edward’s last Parliament, arriving in York in early March, according to Kendall. During that time, his exploits against the Scots received rave reviews from the MPs. His ally John Wode was elected Speaker of the House of Commons. He was “the toast of the town.” At 30, he was at the peak of his abilities, and probably had many occasions to compare himself with his seemingly indolent older brother who (wisely) couldn’t be coaxed to join him in his war against Scotland. The Howards lost out on the Mowbray inheritance. There was plenty of motivation for intrigue during the Winter of 1482-1483. Of course, this is speculation. But perhaps that was when the plot against Edward IV and his children started.
I think Northumberland supported Richard’s usurpation because he thought getting Richard out of the North and into the kingship would let the Percys regain the prominence in the North that they had before the Nevilles, the Stanleys, and other prominent families gained a presence there. Christine Carpenter writes “Richard had never succeeded in becoming anything more than a usurper, and the disloyalty around him on the last day of his life reflects that fact…the South had made Henry into a real candidate for the throne and impelled the northern lords to doubt Richard’s ability to win.”
I agree with you against Clarence. He didn’t have many redeeming traits, and he lacked Richard’s discretion in choosing the winning side and keeping his mouth shut. Richard was smarter than George, and Edward was smarter than both of them. Between Edward and Henry, I’m not sure, except that Henry had the good sense to appropriate Edward’s successes when he became King, such as accepting the loyalty of former enemies if they came crawling to him and treating them as loyal subjects if they served him well (i.e., Thomas Howard).
Hi Pamela, thanks for your comments.
I did not know that Gloucester enjoyed popular success just before the death of Edward IV. That could explain his boldness, and I believe that he was determined on his course when he executed Hastings. My guess is that he meant Hasting’s execution to shock and cow any would-be opposition to his grab for the throne. Ditto regarding his execution of Rivers, Grey, Vaughan. His ruthlessness may have worked, in that he got himself crowned and succeeded his brother Edward as king. As I think you agree, Richard of Gloucester, in murdering the princes, did Henry Tudor a great favor and for himself, none.